Te Ora Ē noho anā nō i te koko ko Ōhiwa, kia whakarongo rua, Aku taringa ki te Tai o tuarā e o Kanawa, E āki ana mai ki uta r o Ōhakana. Ki te whānau a Tairongo, Kai Tāuwhare rā ko te kopua-o-te ururoa, Ko te kai rāria noa mai te raweketia e te ringaringa, Me whakarangi-pūkohu e au ki Tītītangi ao ki te Te Aitanga-ā-Wheturoa, Kia whītikiria taku hope ki te maurea whiritoi, Kia noho au ki Puhi-nui tonu ki Te Maungarongo a Te Rangiāniwaniwa, Ka mawhiti tonu rā taku haere ki ngā tihi tapu ki Maungapōhatu kia Taiturakina; Kia titiro iho au ki Ruatāhuna ki Manawarū ē ko Te Aitanga-ā-Tūhoe.... Ko te hua o te wānanga o a Tūhoe kōrero tuku iho hāngai ki ana waiata tawhito te pūtake o tēnei tuhinga roa kia auhi noa mai te wairua o ngā tūtakinga kōrero kia riro ko ēnei kōrero tuku iho hei matua hikihiki, whakataratara i te hinengaro, i te wairua, e mau ai tēnei o ngā whare whakairo kōrero o te hua o te wānanga a Tūhoe. Kia kaiaohia aua kōrero ki te ura mai o te motu ki runga i ngā pae maunga o Huiarau tau iho ki a tātau e pōkai kaha nei, e tau awhi nei ki runga i te mata o tēnei whenua ātaahua. Ka paenga rā ngā tau ka kitea, ka rangona tēnā pu kōrero, tēnā whare whakairo kōrero, whakairo waiata. Mea rawa ake kua whakangaro atu ki te tira e tauwhare mai rā. Hika rawa ake, kua mawhiti kē te haere ki te mākau nui o te iwi e tīraha mai rā, tē whakaaratia! Kia rangona, kia kitea noa e tātau te mata kōrero kia eke rā ki runga, taihoa rawa ēnei taonga e ngaro, taihoa rawa nei taonga e haukotia. Ka huri whakauta ki te hua o te wānanga, ko te waiata tawhito tēnā, ko te momo rerenga kōrero i hua mai ai i roto i ngā noho tahitanga a te tangata. He kupu ēnei hei whakaata i te hinengaro, wairua, te taiao, ngā rākau, te wai, te moana, ngā whetu, te whenua, ngā pakanga, te kawa o te marae, te noho tahitanga a ngā tūākana\tāina\tuāhine. Te reo o mātua, o kuia, koroua, ngā kaipupuri i te ahi kā roa o te wā kāinga. Inā hoki ko nga āhuatanga o te tangata tēnā tōna hanga, tōna whakatipu, ōna whakaaro, tōna ngākau, tōna wairua, me ngā momo hāhi i tipu ake ai te pono, ka titiro iho te tika i te rangi ka oti nei he waiata e tipuria ai te hua o te wānanga ki roto i a tātau katoa. Waihoki ko aua waiata nei te ahi whakakā roa o te ngākau,kei kona ōna timatatanga, engari kāore nei ōna whakamutunga. Ka pikitia ake te toi huarewa kia kite noa atu i te kaha o te whakaaro. Ko te wāhanga nui ia kia hapaina tēnei tuhinga roa, hei whakaoho, hei tuku, hei tātari i ngā whiriwhiringa kōrero ā-tuhi, ā-wāha kei roto i te whare kōrero o te whānau, hapū, iwi e timata ai, e mau ai te hua o te wānanga o te whaitua whenua. Tae atu ki ngā takahanga whakaewa ka oti nei he waiata tawhito hei kaiarataki ki ngā tihi maunga o te whakaaro. Ko te kapunga whakaaro ko te whātoro, i te tātari i te kupu, ki te whakamārama i te hua o te wānanga hei tumu whakarae kōhikohi mōhiotanga ki runga, ki raro ki ngā tai timu o te hua o te wānanga. I roto i tēnei tuhinga roa ka takea mai te wānanga i te kore, i te pō, i te ao mārama e tohea ai ngā kete e toru o te wānanga hei anga tohutohu, piki tūranga whakaakoranga ki hea mai nei! Mai i roto i aua kete ka nanahu te hinengaro kōkoi o tātau tīpuna mai anō i te ao Māori. Ko te ao mārama tēnā, ko te ao whenua tēnā, ko ngā pakanga tēnā, ko ngā tinihanga ēnā, ko te apakura, ko te hakamomori ka hua nei te wānanga. Nō reira he mahi, he kaupapa nui tā tēnei tuhinga roa ki te whakakao mai i ngā waiata e mohio ana tātau hei papa kōrero, hei wānanga mā te hunga kei te piki ake i ngā takutai moana o te whakaaro, o tēnei ao e wehi mai nei ki a tātau. Kāre e mihi kei te hopo te iwi, te hunga mau i ēnei waiata ki runga i o tātau marae kei ngaro memeha noa ēnei taonga a tātau. Ae! Kei te tika tā rātau hopo. Inā hoki kua riro kē te reo whakaarorangi i te oro o te waiata i ngā tai nenehawa, whakapōrearea e hukahuka mai nei. Ahakoa tēnei kei te whakaara ake ēnei waiata i runga tonu i te kaha o tēna, o tēna ki te whakaara. Kei te tahuri nui mai te hunga rangatahi, taiohi ki ēnei waiata koia tēnei te tūmatanui o tēnei tuhinga roa, hei tāhu whakaea mo te hinengaro, mo te ngākau o aua whakatipuranga e hiahia nei rātau ki ēnei taonga. Mā te karakia hei waere te whenua, mā te taki i ngā kōrero mo ngā atuā te whakataukī, te whakapepeha ka pupuke mai te hihiri o te mahara i ō tātau tipuna kōkoi e whakakitea nei tātau i ēnei rā ki aua tohu. Ka huia rnai aua pitopito kōrero katoa hei kākahu maeneene ki roto i te kupu o te waiata tawhito, kā mau. He whakaatu tēnei tuhinga roa kei te ora tēnei o ngā momo whare pupuri kōrero i te pū; i te more, te weu me ngā pātaka iringa kōrero o te ao ō Tūhoe ō neherā, tae noa mai ki ēnei rā. Kāti he wā anō i roto i taua ora ka tōia te whakaaro ō Tūhoe, ō te Māori e tauiwi hei tinihanga māna. Engari e kitea ai i roto i tēnei tuhinga roa, ko te toki hei kaupare atu i taua tinihanga ko te kōrero i tuarātia rā: 'Hokia ki o maunga kia purea koe e ngā hau o Tāwhirimātea' Koia tēnā te kaupapa o tēnei tuhinga roa he tātari i te hānuitanga, te taiwhakatū o taua kōrero: Hokia ki o maunga... Ma taua kōrero Hokia ki o maunga ... ka rangona te mātaotao o te hua o te wānanga o te pakanga o te whenua, o ngā pikikōtuku i tukitukia, kātahi ka kōrero ai ki roto i tā Tūhoe whakatau i ana whakaaro, e taea ai te ruruku ka puea ake. Koia tēnei ko te mana i roto i ngā whakatakotoranga kōrero e mau ai te kurataininihi, te kurataiwawana o te whakaaro. He hua wānanga tēnei e whakaatungia ai e te hinengaro ngā takahanga motuhake, me te hāngai o ā rātau kupu mo ngā whakaaro e tau nei ki tēnei Ao Hurihuri. Nā ngā mahi a ō tātau tīpuna, te para i te huarahi kia takahuritia ai ngā mahi kikino o te riri Pākehā i tū ake ai ngā poropiti o aua tau kikino i rnurua ai ngā whenua, i tukua ai te iwi ki raro. I tū ake ai rātau te hunga poropiti ki te rapu i te ora i te kaupapa tōrangapū mo ngā whenua i hahanitia. Mai i ēnei kaupapa ka hau te rongo o te waiata tawhito hei tūāpapa whakaohooho, whakanekeneke i a tātau katoa, ahakoa ko wai. Whā tekau katoa ngā waiata o tēnei tuhinga roa rnai i tēnā kokona o Tūhoe, rnai i tēnā kokona o Tūhoe e kawe ana i te hua wānanga hei whakaata, hei kōwhiri i te hunga i kaha i rnau tonu te ngangahau i ngā totohe kōrero, totohe tangata, totohe whenua. I kona ka hua te wānanga ka tohea te riri ka mau, i ea ai tētahi wāhi o te mamae. Koia tēnei ko te whakaatu i te kaha o te tohe i te pō, i te awatea. Ko te kawa o te marae te ātamira whakatāhu, tuku i aua hua wānanga i nei rā e rangona ai te kōrero ā-iwi, te hī o te mita o te reo waiata hei hokinga atu ki te nohoanga o te kupu. Ko tētahi anō kaupapa o tēnei tuhinga roa he whakahoki mai anō i te rnatapihi o Matariki, kia meinga ai ki te kairangi o te kawa o te marae, ka tau ki te whenua i maringi ai te toto. Ko ēnei hua wānanga te oro o te ngākau o Te Ūrewera, te whītiki o te kī mo te tuakiri mo tēnā whakatipuranga, rno tēnā whakatipuranga. Ae! Mā te hua wānanga a Tūhoe e whakaea te mamae e puta ai te pātai. Ko wai rā au? I ahu mai taku wānanga i whea? E ahu ana au ki whea? No te rā nei kua riro mā tēnei tuhinga roa e whakaatu ētahi o ngā hau kikino i whakawhiua kirunga i te iwi e te kāwanatanga i a ia e āki mai ana mo ngā rawa a te iwi, hei tuku he tangatakē. Nō reira i tikina ai te tauparapara a Te Kapo o te Rangi hei whakatauira i te takenga mai ongā kōrero mai i te koko ki Ōhiwa ki te pō, ki te pouri, ki te ao mārama. 'Hokia ki maunga' ko te tangata, ko te iwi, ko te hapū, ko te whānau te tīmatanga o te hua o te wānanga. Koia tēnei tētahi anō kaupapa o tēnei tuhinga roa, he āhuru i aua pukenga tautōhito kōrero kia mau te rangi, kia mau te hā, kia rangona te hua wānanga, oho ake ki te ao ka oti nei he waiata tawhito hei hoa haere whakamua. Ko te kōpae o te whare tēnā e tautokona ana hoki te ahu whakamuatanga o ngā mōrehu kōrero e arohatia nei e tātau. He huarahi atu tēnei hei āwhina, hei tohu i te kei o te waka ki ngā ngaru kokoti e pukepuke rnai nei. Ko te whakapae o tēnei tuhinga roa e titikaha ai ki te hinengaro o Tūhoe me mau ana momo kōrero ki ngā momo hangarau o tēnei ao hurihuri kā tika. Kua roa ēnei taonga e ārikarika ana hei whakarei i te kupu kōrero ki te hunga mate, ki te tira e tatari rnai rā i te waharoa o te marae ki te whakaeke. Kei roto i te wairua o tēnei mahi ka tukua āianei ēnei taonga kia kore ai tātau e taka ki roto i te korekore o te hinengaro, hei whakamahi mā te tamaiti o Tūhoe e hiki ake nei i ngā pae tata, i ngā pae tawhiti. Ko tēnei tuhinga roa te kura kimihia o te ura rnai o te motu i tua atu o Huiarau. Kia hau ai te rongo o a tāitau kōrero ki mua i a tātau hei homai i te aroha kia au ai te matatū tonu, ka maranga kei runga. Kia taria te roanga o te kōrero. Ae! Me hoki rā kā tika: Kā hoki nei au ki te mauri o taku waka a Mātaatua Ko Pūtauaki ki a Ngāti Awa Ko Tāwhiuau, ko Tangiharuru Ko te rae rā o Kohi ki a Awatope Ko Mānuka tūtahi ki Whakatāne, kia Apanui Ko te mauri haria mai nei hei whakaoho i taku moe Ē kō kō ia e ara ē!

Hypothesis. In little more than a century a transformation has occurred in Maori agriculture. Before 1840, most Maori agriculture could best be described as shifting cultivation. The existence of this form of cultivation in Maori life can be indicated by such terms a Tohea Whenua which means a field exhausted by cultivation and Oneone hou which signifies new soil. In this system the sweet potatoe (Ipomea batatus)was the major crop. Apart from the dog, no other animals were kept. Today shifting cultivation in its technical sense is non-existent and Maori agriculturists are mostly commercial pastoral farmers, keeping dairy cows and sheep. The production of dairy produce and of other pastoral products by the Maori who form 7 percent of the population, is not a very significant proportion of the New Zealand total. It is nevertheless of quite noticeable volume when compared on a world basis with the total output of pastoral production in many other countries. The number of Maori holding in 1959-1960 was 5,227.

Background Prior to the commencement of this study, gambling was not considered a significant health issue for Maori, even though the first national gambling prevalence study in New Zealand in 1991, identified that Maori had at least three times the risk of problem gambling of non-Maori. In the early 1990s, through the provision of a gambling telephone helpline and gambling counselling services, it was identified that Maori and in particular Maori women, were increasingly seeking help with problems with gambling. Gambling is an integral part of the culture of New Zealand. To understand gambling and problem gambling requires an understanding of the social, economic and cultural context it plays in being Maori. Aim of Study This study investigated whether gambling and problem gambling is an emerging health issue for Maori and if so, the extent of the problem, its effects on Maori and health approaches, and interventions which are likely to be effective for Maori. A public health approach to address problem gambling has been investigated and a plan developed. Methodology This study has been undertaken from a Maori-centered and an action-oriented research approach. It has involved integrating existing and new information from the following sources: Maori patterns of gambling and expenditure, gambling prevalence data, Maori utilisation of gambling treatment services and gambling by indigenous people. Fifteen Maori problem gamblers have been interviewed to understand from the "inside looking out" their experience of problem gambling. Thirty key informants have also been interviewed to understand from the "outside looking in" their perspective as to whether gambling is an emerging health issue for Maori. This research has involved quantitative analysis and qualitative research. Findings This study has found that problem gambling is an emerging public health issue for Maori. The effects of problem gambling for Maori are invisible and masked by other health problems such as alcohol abuse or mental health problems. Maori prevalence of problem gambling is similar to other indigenous populations which have shared similar historical and socio-economic experiences. Problem gambling often leads to crime, imprisonment, development of other health problems and the break down of families. Focusing alone on problem gambling ignores the real issues for Maori, a wider perspective is needed which focuses on Maori and tribal development. A public health strategy is proposed to reduce Maori gambling related harm.

Hypothesis. In little more than a century a transformation has occurred in Maori agriculture. Before 1840, most Maori agriculture could best be described as shifting cultivation. The existence of this form of cultivation in Maori life can be indicated by such terms a Tohea Whenua which means a field exhausted by cultivation and Oneone hou which signifies new soil. In this system the sweet potatoe (Ipomea batatus)was the major crop. Apart from the dog, no other animals were kept. Today shifting cultivation in its technical sense is non-existent and Maori agriculturists are mostly commercial pastoral farmers, keeping dairy cows and sheep. The production of dairy produce and of other pastoral products by the Maori who form 7 percent of the population, is not a very significant proportion of the New Zealand total. It is nevertheless of quite noticeable volume when compared on a world basis with the total output of pastoral production in many other countries. The number of Maori holding in 1959-1960 was 5,227.

The main objective of this thesis was to understand the function, design and distribution of New Zealand adzes, aspects little studied in Polynesia as a whole. Methodology involved functional and manufacturing replication experiments and comparisons of these results with statistics derived from the analysis of almost 12,000 archaeological adzes. Methodology was guided by technological organization theory which states that technological strategies reflect human behaviours and that artefacts like adzes are physical manifestations of the strategies employed by people to overcome problems posed by environmental and resource conditions. Variability in adze morphology was discovered to be the outcome of ongoing technological adjustments to a range of conditions that were constrained by a set of functionally defined parameters. The nature of the raw material, both for the adzes themselves and to make them, had a major influence on adze technology and morphology within these functional parameters. Four basic functional adze types were identified fi-om distinct and consistent combinations of design attributes not previously recognized explicitly in previous adze typologies. It was found that design attributes previously considered significant like crosssection shape and butt reduction were more heavily influenced by raw material quality than functional specifications. It was also important to recognize that form and function changed over time with use, and because adzes were so valuable due to manufacturing costs, they were intensively curated. The majority of archaeological specimens studied for this thesis had seen major morphological and functional change. This dynamic was included ,in a typology based on 'adze state7 as findings suggested (1) that extending adze use-life and optimizing reworking potential was incorporated in initial design strategies, (2) that intensive curation may have played a major role in changes in adze morphology over time, and (3). that it had a major influence on distribution and discard patterns in the archaeological record. Having identified these influences on adze discard and distribution, two complex production and distribution networks were observed for the North Island based around Tahanga basalt and Nelson~Marlborough argillite. Each was complimentary to the other and involved other major and minor products and materials. Influential factors in the roles different settlements played in distribution included where people and raw materials were in relation to one another and the mode of transportation. The coastal location of early period settlements and important stone sources was an important aspect of these networks.

This thesis consists of two sections. The intention of Section One, 'Biographical Texts: Theoretical Underpinning', is to explore and discuss the theoretical underpinnings of Maori feminism and Kaupapa Maori as they relate to biography as a research method into the lives of Maori women. Biography, as a literary genre is also examined with particular reference to feminist, women of colour and Maori biography. Section One is a wideranging section, encompassing a broad sweep of the literature in these areas. It both draws from existing literature and contributes to the discourse regarding Maori feminism, Maori biography and Maori research. It is relevant to but unconstrained by the content of Section Two. The intention of Section Two, 'Locating the Story of Betty Wark; A Biographical Narrative with Reflective Annotations', is to provide an example of the biographical method and what might constitute Maori biography. The subject of the biographical narrative, Betty Wark, was a Maori woman who was actively involved with community-based organisations from the 1950s until her death in May 2001. Several major themes which emerged from Betty's biographical history occur throughout her narrative and provide a framework in which her story is located. One of the most significant themes was the notion of 'home'; both literal and metaphorical. This theme is reflected in the title of the thesis, Writing Ourselves 'Home'.

This thesis is made up of three parts; the first is an outline and discussion of the various approaches taken in the description of Polynesian languages in the last 30 years. It provides background discussion of the model of description used in the rest of the thesis. The second deals with the phonology of the 'Ua Pou dialect, concentrating in particular on two areas; the phonetics of the glottal stop phoneme, and penultimate vowel extension. The latter is a feature which has received no mention in any literature to date but is the most noticeable suprasegmental phonetic difference between the Marquesan dialects and the other Eastern Polynesian languages. The last four chapters describe the structure of phrases in the 'Ua Pou dialect. The first two of these deals with the centripetal particles of the noun and verb phrase respectively, that is, the particles within phrases which modify the base of that phrase. Particles which relate phrases to other phrases, that is, the prepositions and ai, are dealt with separately in the last two chapters since their description requires some comments on the syntax of the language. / Thesis now published as a book. Margaret Mutu with Ben Teʻikitutoua (2002). Ùa Pou : aspects of a Marquesan dialect. Canberra, ACT: Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies. ISBN 0858835266.

Biculturalism is a relationship in government between the British Crown and the indigenous [Māori] people of New Zealand. I show that this relationship permeated some Māori healing practitioners’ healing knowledge and perception. A key way in which this occurred was through the practitioners recognizing biological and social boundaries between Māori and Pākehā [New Zealanders of European descent]. A second was through the practitioners’ embodiment of connections with social groups including the nation, a history and present shared between Māori and Pākehā and an idealized pre-contact past. A fundamental principle of Te Oo Mai Reia was that for the practitioners to harness the power of the various forces that sustained life they had to be in touch with their whakapapa [genealogy] for it was through their ancestors that they could commune with the Ultimate Deity, Io, the source of the most potent of all forces of life. A further key principle was that spiritually inspired and traditional Māori culture heightened the wellbeing of Māori, not modern, Pākehā culture. Spiritual and ancient knowledge was supra-conscious and made knowable through an embodied awareness of self and other. To make my argument I draw on literature inspired by Foucault that shows how states govern by implementing their operations and securing their penetration into the citizenry by drawing and building upon pre-existing bodies of knowledge and relations of power. I also draw on literature that shows how the human body bears the effects of such practices of government. To this literature I integrate perception by showing how, in this Māori healing context, the government of the bicultural nation-state worked through the ways the practitioners made sense with the body (especially through feeling, seeing and touching).

Whole document restricted, see Access Instructions file below for details of how to access the print copy. / This thesis may be regarded as both a history of the present and a signifier for the future. Developed during a time of dramatic global upheavals and transformations, it is concerned with the political economy of world order and the ontologies of being upon which world order is predicated. As the framework for the world order of nation states, international law was the means whereby indigenous peoples within colonised territories reconstructed from sovereign nations to dependent populations. Undperpinning this body of law and the political formations of world order were sets of social and political ontologies which continue to be contested. These ontologies are frequently at variance with those of indigenous peoples and shape the arena within which the struggle for self-determination and the validation of indigenous knowledge, values and subjectivities is played out. Contextualised within the international political and juridical framework, the thesis utilises critical theoretical traditions to examine the participation of indigenous peoples in the construction of world order and new global formations. Positioned from a Maori perspective, the thesis also tracks the historical role of education in the development of world order and considers the role and form of Maori educational resistance. In engaging with these issues across macro and micro levels, the thesis identifies the international arena, the national state and forms of regionalism as sites for the reshaping of the global politico/economic order and the emergence of Empire. Allied to this are the reconstruction of hierarchies of knowledge and subjectivities within new Manichean divides. Key questions raised in the thesis concern the positioning of indigenous ontologies and epistemologies within the emergent global order, and the nature of resistance or response. Calls for a new ontology of world order are increasingly being articulated in response to the multiple and increasing crises of globalisation. This thesis argues that, far from irrelevant, traditional indigenous social, political and cosmological ontologies are profoundly important to the development of transformative alternative frameworks for global order.

Background Prior to the commencement of this study, gambling was not considered a significant health issue for Maori, even though the first national gambling prevalence study in New Zealand in 1991, identified that Maori had at least three times the risk of problem gambling of non-Maori. In the early 1990s, through the provision of a gambling telephone helpline and gambling counselling services, it was identified that Maori and in particular Maori women, were increasingly seeking help with problems with gambling. Gambling is an integral part of the culture of New Zealand. To understand gambling and problem gambling requires an understanding of the social, economic and cultural context it plays in being Maori. Aim of Study This study investigated whether gambling and problem gambling is an emerging health issue for Maori and if so, the extent of the problem, its effects on Maori and health approaches, and interventions which are likely to be effective for Maori. A public health approach to address problem gambling has been investigated and a plan developed. Methodology This study has been undertaken from a Maori-centered and an action-oriented research approach. It has involved integrating existing and new information from the following sources: Maori patterns of gambling and expenditure, gambling prevalence data, Maori utilisation of gambling treatment services and gambling by indigenous people. Fifteen Maori problem gamblers have been interviewed to understand from the "inside looking out" their experience of problem gambling. Thirty key informants have also been interviewed to understand from the "outside looking in" their perspective as to whether gambling is an emerging health issue for Maori. This research has involved quantitative analysis and qualitative research. Findings This study has found that problem gambling is an emerging public health issue for Maori. The effects of problem gambling for Maori are invisible and masked by other health problems such as alcohol abuse or mental health problems. Maori prevalence of problem gambling is similar to other indigenous populations which have shared similar historical and socio-economic experiences. Problem gambling often leads to crime, imprisonment, development of other health problems and the break down of families. Focusing alone on problem gambling ignores the real issues for Maori, a wider perspective is needed which focuses on Maori and tribal development. A public health strategy is proposed to reduce Maori gambling related harm.