This dissertation examines the role the medium of comics plays in the construction and subversion of anti-Arab and Islamophobic discourse. It seeks to address the following questions in particular: how does the medium of comics interpellate subjects regarding the Western discursive formation that conflates Arab, Muslim, and terrorist? What does the medium of comics afford creators in subverting dominant discourses that dehumanize Arabs and Muslims? I argue that as a hypermedium in which text and repeated images are in continual tension, comics challenge the sort of foundational notion of truth necessary for dominant discourse. I use a Foucauldian lens to examine several comics in relation to larger discursive formations. In Chapter 1, I explain the problem, my methods, and my theory in more detail. In Chapter 2, I apply this theory as a lens to examine the rhetorical work the medium plays in subverting dominant discourse in Palestine, a nonfiction piece of comics journalism. I use Chapter 3 to problematize the assertions made in the first two chapters by looking at an instance where comics are used to reinscribe dominant discourse. Specifically, I analyze the graphic adaptation of The 9/11 Report. Chapter 4 acts as something of a retort to Chapter 3; it examines In the Shadow of No Towers to interrogate the ways in which Art Spiegelman explicitly addresses not only the issues he grappled with as a New Yorker during and after 9/11, but the complex relations of representation that arose from the event. Chapter 5 I examine how subversion works when a hypermedium is further remediated by analyzing Didier LeFevre's The Photographer: Into War-Torn Afghanistan with Doctors without Borders. The Conclusion is devoted to discussing the implications of this study, both in terms of pedagogy and in terms of theorizing the relationship and differences between image and text. I argue that comics demonstrate the productive ideological tensions that exist between modes of signification (such as verbal and visual). An understanding of this ideological tension is key for scholars of visual rhetoric and hegemonic discourse. / Ph. D.

This dissertation argues for the hope that is found in G. C. Berkouwer’s doctrines of providence and bodily resurrection in relation to the terrorist attack on September 11, 2001, and the rising pervasiveness of the doctrine of hyperpreterism among American Reformed circles. In Part I of the dissertation, Berkouwer’s doctrine of providence is explained and then evaluated and applied. By way of explanation and exposition, Berkouwer’s knowledge of providence is examined, along with his theology of providence in sustenance and government, in relation to miracles, and the dilemma of the existence of God and evil. Following that is an evaluation and application of the doctrine to the 9/11 terrorist attack on America. In Part II, a theological/doctrinal study is undertaken concerning the doctrine of resurrection. Hyper-preterism is examined, along with its leading proponents, and placed into interaction with Berkouwer’s views of the doctrine of the physical resurrection of the body at the eschaton. / Theology / M.Th. (Philosophy & Systematic Theology)

There is a lively academic debate concerning US foreign policy in the post-Cold War era and especially after the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001. Neoconservatism has become a cause celebre in the literature of international relations with a variety of scholars disagreeing as to its supposed impact on Washington's world affairs approach and the Bush administration's decision to remove Saddam Hussein, from power manu militari. This thesis is an analysis of the way this political ideology was interpreted in the European elite media. It will be demonstrated how a significant section of key opinion-forming newspapers of Britain, France, Germany and Italy framed neoconservatism during the administration of Bill Clinton and partly that of George W. Bush. There will be an exploration of whether and how newspapers vary in their coverage. The thesis will outline that the influence of the neoconservatives in US foreign policy can be disputed and will suggest that their ideas can be hardly considered as revolutionary ones. It will then focus on the media coverage and will show that the prominence devoted to neoconservatism by the accessed print sources is a relatively recent phenomenon. The findings indicate that the newspapers differed in their representation of the political ideology only in the period before 9/11 when they mainly discussed it in the context of domestic affairs. By contrast, after the terrorist atrocities and especially since 2003 they linked neoconservatism to US foreign policy and largely focused on it - as opposed to competing international relations theories -, representing it in a remarkably similar way. With the exception of The Times, which followed a comparatively balanced approach, they constructed it as a driving force behind George W. Bush's international politics approach and the war on Iraq. The media emphasis on neoconservatism will be attributed to different factors - such the scapegoat theory - which maybe influenced the journalistic work. The general consensus as to their understanding of neoconservatism and its supposed impact will not support the claim of a European public sphere but will be considered as a positive step towards its possible creation.

Conceptions of masculinity on film shifted after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks from representations of male heroism as invulnerable, powerful, and safe to representations of male heroism as resilient, vengeful, and vulnerable. At the same time, the antagonists of these films shifted towards representations as shadowy, unknowable, and disembodied. These changing representations, I argue, are windows into the anxieties Americans faced in the aftermath of the attacks. The continuing presentation of power as linked to violence, however, illustrates the ways in which conceptions of masculinity have stayed the same.

As the major combat operations in Iraq and Afghanistan fade from headline news, the effect remains a national concern for the 2.6 million post-9/11 veterans. Their hardships form the basis for this qualitative case study, which analyzed the organizational change effort at the Wounded Warrior Regiment (WWR). This organization, specifically formed by the U.S. Marine Corps, instituted the necessary programs to meet the needs of Marine wounded warriors. However, the needs of these warriors are different now, and the WWR must adapt to remain relevant. The transformative change model presented by Anderson and Anderson formed the conceptual framework for this case study, which explored the central research question of how the leaders of an organization designed for a special mission effectively transform their operations to respond to new demands in a complex environment. The results from this case study, denoted by 8 themes, were derived from the analysis of the transcripts from 19 interviews conducted with representatives of the WWR. The 19 participants represented the diverse workforce of the WWR and were located at its sections across the country. To identify the emergent themes, structural and pattern coding methods were used as the data analysis process. Two themes from the data analysis were: developing a strategic communication plan and advancing the relevance of the WWR. The results from the case study were intended to help the leaders of the WWR realign their operations to achieve their new strategic objectives. This study is significant because it assessed the organizational change effort at the WWR to gain knowledge about veterans that may promote positive social change by informing the broader community of veteran support agencies about the urgent needs of the post-9/11 veterans.

Contributing to the literature on the Muslim experience post-9/11, the purpose of this study was to engage with a group that is often talked about, but not with: Muslim youth. Using an integrative anti-racist and anti-colonial approach with an emphasis on a spiritual way of knowing, this study gives voice to young Muslim activists in Toronto who have made the choice to “do something”. The study aims to understand what motivates these young activists, particularly in the context of post-9/11 Islamophobia, with the goal being to challenge stereotypical perceptions of Muslims, while contributing to the body of knowledge that aims to disrupt dominant notions of what “Canadian” identity is. The following analysis helps answer this question, which includes the role of spirituality, the attachment to Canadian identity and the desire to educate. Key challenges and what these youth prescribe for Canada’s future are also discussed.

Contributing to the literature on the Muslim experience post-9/11, the purpose of this study was to engage with a group that is often talked about, but not with: Muslim youth. Using an integrative anti-racist and anti-colonial approach with an emphasis on a spiritual way of knowing, this study gives voice to young Muslim activists in Toronto who have made the choice to “do something”. The study aims to understand what motivates these young activists, particularly in the context of post-9/11 Islamophobia, with the goal being to challenge stereotypical perceptions of Muslims, while contributing to the body of knowledge that aims to disrupt dominant notions of what “Canadian” identity is. The following analysis helps answer this question, which includes the role of spirituality, the attachment to Canadian identity and the desire to educate. Key challenges and what these youth prescribe for Canada’s future are also discussed.

Contributing to the literature on the Muslim experience post-9/11, the purpose of this study was to engage with a group that is often talked about, but not with: Muslim youth. Using an integrative anti-racist and anti-colonial approach with an emphasis on a spiritual way of knowing, this study gives voice to young Muslim activists in Toronto who have made the choice to “do something”. The study aims to understand what motivates these young activists, particularly in the context of post-9/11 Islamophobia, with the goal being to challenge stereotypical perceptions of Muslims, while contributing to the body of knowledge that aims to disrupt dominant notions of what “Canadian” identity is. The following analysis helps answer this question, which includes the role of spirituality, the attachment to Canadian identity and the desire to educate. Key challenges and what these youth prescribe for Canada’s future are also discussed.

This paper utilizes a critical (political) discourse analysis to examine security dialogue as revealed through policy; in order to facilitate this task, the following publically available political documents will be analyzed: Smart Border Declaration; Security and Prosperity Partnership (SPP), and the pending Beyond Borders deal. The objective is to highlight the complexities and realities of the security era as it pertains to North American border security. In other words, I am interested in the administration of border security policy in its practical context. Reviewing the Beyond Borders deal and situating it within the overall national security policies that govern the Canadian border facilitates the identification of limitations posed by the security mentality dominant in border governance. This thesis advocates that those studying border security policies in order to formulate alternative options do so in a manner that appreciates the unique polity milieu of the border. The analysis presented here has policy implications and concludes with recommendations and projections for the Beyond Borders deal. / Thesis (Master, Sociology) -- Queen's University, 2011-10-14 13:59:44.787

Since the attacks of September 11th, 2001, the literature of the United States has become increasingly concerned with telling tragic stories. While the literature written about the attacks is considerable and operates as the climax in this dissertation, the literature of the ensuing decade has been marked by a return to tragic terror more broadly. A distinct feeling of anxiety and fear continues to animate a strong tragic tradition in the contemporary novel. Through an analysis of motifs, figures, and metaphors derived from classical dramatic sources and the attendant philosophical tradition, this dissertation investigates the complex formal processes through which tragic American lives occur and their political contexts. This dissertation argues that American literary production in the first decade of the twenty-first century requires a critical return to the so-called Myth and Symbol School that inaugurated American Studies and established an American literary tradition with New England Transcendentalists. Emerson’s claim that America must be made great through and by its ability to perceive “the terror of life” resonates in today’s post-9/11 political and economic climate. This study illuminates the ways that the contemporary novelists have seen fit to incorporate classical tropes and narratives into traditional stereotypes of identity and nationhood. Linguistic life, it might be said, directly influences political life. Tragic America is an aggregation of tragic manifestations that finds political extensions and interpretive applications through provisional and figurative relationships. Relationships negotiated through this metaphoric sensibility are, I believe, the only honest means of comparison in our radically heterogeneous culture. / Thesis (Ph.D, English) -- Queen's University, 2012-05-31 10:01:52.902