Globalizacija, kintantys darbo rinkos poreikiai daro įtaką vyresnio amžiaus ( nuo 45 m.) moterų nedarbui, nes praradusios kvalifikaciją ir neturėdamos atitinkamo išsilavinimo dėl įvairių priežasčių: didesnio pasiaukojimo šeimai, visuomeninės nuomonės apie moters vaidmenį, mažesnių fizinių sugebėjimų, sveikatos problemų, materialinių sunkumų, joms sunkiau integruotis į šiuolaikinę darbo rinką. Analizuojant bedarbystės situaciją Lietuvoje, pastebima, kad darbo rinkoje moterų diskriminacija įgyja gan ciniškas formas. Atvira moterų diskriminacija pastebima, kai ieškančios darbo moterys neatitinka darbo skelbimuose plačiai taikomų amžiaus – lyties kriterijų. Moterims siūlomų užsiėmimų ratas ribojamas mažesnės kvalifikacijos ir prestižo darbais (sekretorė, auklė ir pan.), o pradedančioms verslininkėms dirbtinai sudaromos kliūtys gauti lengvatinius kreditus, licenzijas ir pan. Tyrimo metu paaiškėjo, kad dauguma moterų yra įgijusios specialybę, tačiau darbo pagal ją nesusirado ir mano, kad tai yra pagrindinė įsidarbinimo kliūtis. Vyresnio amžiaus (nuo 45 iki 55m) moterims yra svarbus mokymosi ir tobulinimosi motyvas, jos siekia mokytis naujos specialybės, atgaivinti prarastą kvalifikaciją ir dirbti, nes nenori būti bedarbėmis. Tyrimas parodė, žemą vyresnio amžiaus (nuo 55m.) bedarbių moterų mokymosi motyvaciją. Šio amžiaus moterys jaučiasi per senos mokytis, o tai neskatina jų tolesnio mokymosi ir sunkina sėkmingą integraciją į darbo rinką. Vyresnio... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Globalization and developing changes of labour market are related with increase of unemployment of older women (above 45 years old). That happens because of several reasons like lack of correspondent education, lost qualification, self-denial for the sake of family, public prejudices about women’s social status, physical health peculiarities, material reasons, etc. The investigation revealed that although most women are educated enough and specialize in some area, the main problem was to acquire a job according to their specialization. Refresher courses for women are quite expensive and thus hardly available for those who need it most, and there are no free refresher courses in Lithuania. Older women (age range from 45 to 55 years) notice motive of professional self improvement or gaining a new profession because they don’t want to be unemployed. Older women also more often then younger ones register in the jobcenter to receive allowance and to get possibility to join free refresher courses for registered unemployed members. Older (above 55) unemployed women are less motivated to develop their skills or study new things and that also aggravate their situation in the labour market. One third part of the unemployed respondents (above 45 years old) of the recent investigation noticed that they work illegally in the households, children care, sewing, knitting, etc. The lack of education, low qualification, low motivation for self-improvement and older age were found as... [to full text]

Tyrimas atskleidė, kad gydytojų požiūris į vyresnio amžiaus asmenis- stereotipizuotas, gydytojai senyvo amžiaus asmenims priskiria daugiau neigiamų nei teigiamų stereotipų. Bendrosios praktikos gydytojai vadovaujasi nuostatomis, kurios sudaro prielaidą diskriminuoti vyresnio amžiaus pacientus dėl per didelių jų lūkesčių sveikatai; dauguma gydytojų sutapatina senėjimo procesą su liga. Gydytojai, aptarnaujantys daugiau pacientų, turi mažiau diskriminuojantį ir humaniškesnį požiūrį į senyvo amžiaus pacientus.Senyvo amžiaus žmonių diskriminacijos apraiškų pirminėje sveikatos priežiūroje pasitaiko. / The empirical research led to revelation of the attitude of Lithuanian doctors towards older patients: a) the attitude of doctors towards older adults can be categorized as stereotypical; people attribute more negative stereotypes to older adults than positive ones; b) because of their expectations for health common practice doctors and therapists follow the norms which lead to discrimination of older patients; majority of doctors compare aging process with a disease; c) doctors who service many patients have less discriminatory and more humanistic attitude towards older patients.

There is an emerging body of literature about older women and play, often focused on social groupings (e.g., Red Hats Society, Raging Grannies). This study aimed to contribute to this body of literature by exploring the meaning, experience, and place of play and playfulness in the day-to-day lives of older women. Interpreting older women’s play as a phenomenologist informed by the feminist gerontology literature, I explored, described, and interpreted play using the voices, words, lived experiences, and artful reflections of four focus groups comprised of nineteen women between the ages of 63 to 95 years. Play emerged to be a wonderful, complex, and paradoxical phenomenon for older women that interconnected in three ways: as a doing, a feeling, and a being. Within and across the women, play was characterized by these paradoxes: time flies by and time slows down, productive and unproductive, social and solitary, and serious and silly. Play was infused into the everyday lives of these older women. Arts-based methods served to invigorate and engage the women and me, and transformed the research environment into a comfortable, open space to play and be playful, and to share, gather, and build knowledge. Thus this research contributes to the growing body of literature about the lives and experiences of older women, from their perspective, adds insight into older women’s play, and grows our knowledge about collecting data through arts-based methods with older women.

The concept of 'ageism' has often been thought to be of limited moral concern, especially in comparison to other forms of discrimination such as racism and sexism. Nevertheless, there are also those who believe that ageism is morally significant, and there are diametrically opposed views within liberal and egalitarian theory as to whether age discrimination is or is not just. This thesis has two objectives. Firstly, it seeks to overcome the apparent vagueness of the concept that has given rise to such diametrically opposed views concerning ageism by examining exactly what the phenomenon involves. It defines the wrongfulness of much age discrimination as originating in either the nature of the reasons for which people discriminate against the old or the nature of the consequences for the individuals affected. In the course of the thesis I make several important distinctions, the most important of which are between the social and moral worth of a person, and between the synchronic and diachronic interests of a person. These distinctions allow us to distinguish between a culturally oppressive ageism and ageism that is justified by reasons of equality and efficiency. The former is intrinsically morally wrong, the latter extrinsically wrong. The second aim of the thesis is to develop an anti-ageist ethical principle capable of challenging both forms of ageism in a comprehensive way, and which is consistent with a broader liberal egalitarian political theory. This is achieved by drawing on the distinction between the irreducible nature of each person's synchronic and diachronic interests. I have identified the principle that we should protect the synchronic interests of older persons with a democratic social egalitarianism that seeks to equalise the social relations between citizens rather than concentrating upon an equality of distribution. It is in this way that I also connect the debate about the morality (or otherwise) of age discrimination with debates within contemporary liberal egalitarian philosophy.

An ageing population is changing the nature of the workplace, one outcome of which is an increase in the proportion of older workers. Unlike older workers of some twenty or so years ago, today's older workers plan to stay at work longer than at first anticipated. However, as many older workers have found, their intended and continued presence in the workplace is not always appreciated. As such, they are subject to subtle and not so subtle forms of discrimination associated with ageist practices, or ageism, and negative perceptions regarding their ability to compete on equal terms with younger workers. In turn, it is suggested that older workers, too, indulge in ageist practices and the stereotyping of younger workers. It is proposed that underlying generational differences,when combined with ageism, negative stereotyping and discriminatory organisational practices, are responsible for a new phenomenon called intergenerational tension in the workplace. The notion of tension, which can be thought of as suppressed anxiety or a strained relationship between individuals and groups, is important because intergenerational tension is presented as a latent or covert phenomenon. From this comes the following definition: "lntergenerational tension in the workplace is a latent or covert form of intergroup conflict caused by value and attitudinal differences between the generations." lntergenerational tension can be thought of as an everyday fact of organisational life which exists as an undercurrent or type of background organisational noise that is so pervasive that it is rarely noticed. In this respect, intergenerational tension bears similarities to gender and ethnic tensions both of which have been recognised as counterproductive to organisational efficiency. This thesis proposes a construct to measure this intergenerational tension. To investigate the generational differences associated with this new construct, a 25-item questionnaire was developed. The first stage in the development of the questionnaire was an informal experience survey that was completed by a small sample (n=54) of adults ranging in age from 21 years to 70+ years. A pilot study questionnaire was then constructed and administered to a small, stratified random sample of employees (n=60) from the Western Australia Police Service (WAPS). WAPS has recently changed from a seniority-based promotion system to a merit-based system for most positions and is undergoing a major cultural change in response to social and political pressure. Following data analysis, the final questionnaire was developed. The questionnaire, called the Intergenerational Tension Questionnaire (ITQ) was administered to a stratified random sample of employees from WAPS. Five hundred completed responses were subject to factor analysis in which principal components analysis extracted seven factors or dimensions thought to underlie intergenerational tension. Further data analysis revealed that on average, younger workers (i.e., less than 40 years of age) displayed less intergenerational tension than did older workers (i.e., more than 40 years of age). Data for workers a generation apart (i.e., 20 years apart) were also analysed, with the younger generation being those less than 30 years of age (the Under 30s) and the older generation being those more than 50 years of age (the Over 50s). The younger generation, on average, displayed less intergenerational tension than did the older generation. Of the measures, organisational change was associated with the greatest degree of intergenerational tension for all groups. Multiple regression analysis revealed that the best predictors of intergenerational tension for younger workers and older workers were age, the length of service with one's current employer, and the number of years in the paid work force. For workers a generation apart, multiple regression analysis revealed that age was the only predictor. It was fortuitous that at the time of the study, the majority of younger workers were Generation X and the majority of older workers were Baby Boomers. This meant that to all intents and purposes, the questionnaire measured differences between two well-studied generational cohorts. The findings supported the notion that organisations should not assume they are treating all workers equitably. In particular, older workers feel disenfranchised and angry at their treatment by organisations which, in their opinion, favours younger workers. The implication for organisations is that both groups should be treated independently, with each having its own special needs and expectations. This includes, for example, implementing strategies such as training methods suited to the needs of each age group and conducting age diversity training to raise awareness of what it means to be either a younger worker or an older worker.

Thesis (D. Min.)--Colgate Rochester Divinity School, Crozer Theological Seminary, 2000. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 206-210).

Thesis (D. Min.)--New Orleans Baptist Theological Seminary, 1992. / Includes abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 120-124).

Thesis (D. Min.)--New Orleans Baptist Theological Seminary, 1992. / Includes abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 120-124).

Thesis (D. Min.)--Colgate Rochester Divinity School, Crozer Theological Seminary, 2000. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 206-210).

Thesis (D. Min.)--New Orleans Baptist Theological Seminary, 1992. / Includes abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 120-124).