The Anglo-German Naval Agreement of June 18, 1935, came as a complete surprise and was contrary to established British policy; what were the circumstances that influenced the decision to reach the accord with Germany? Was it appeasement? If the compact was not political, then what was its primary purpose and who was responsible for the treaty?

This thesis, the first study of Nevile Henderson to be completed at doctoral level in the UK, takes a fresh look at Henderson's controversial role in Berlin between 1937 and 1939. It begins by re-examining Henderson's controversial appointment to the Berlin Embassy, and contends that a close study of his earlier career (especially in Belgrade between 1929 and 1935) help to explain those aspects of his behaviour that gave rise to criticism. After close analysis of published and unpublished Foreign Office documents, the thesis challenges the traditional view that Henderson favoured the Anschluss and the dismemberment of Czechoslovakia in 1938. It also re-examines the charge that he undermined British policy by making indiscreet remarks in Germany, and argues that his scepticism about the anti-Nazi opposition was fully justified. And that he did, to a degree, carry out his 'warning' function in Berlin. Another key aspect concerns the extent to which Henderson's line in Berlin had support in the Foreign Office, and the re-consideration of his pivotal relationships with Chamberlain and Halifax. Particular attention is paid to the decision to send Henderson (by then a seriously ill man) back to Berlin in February 1939. The author's overall view is that, given Henderson's flawed analysis of the Nazi regime, a totally revisionist analysis of his time in Berlin would be untenable. The main conclusions are (a) that Henderson's influence on British policy has been exaggerated and (b) that he has been unfairly treated by historians. This thesis seeks to redress the historical balance by presenting the first close analysis, and rounded account, of what Henderson called the 'failure of a mission'.

Práce se zabývá politickými a hospodářskými příčinami, které vedly Velkou Británii k provádění či v pokračování politiky appeasemnetu, tj. politiky, která podle mnohých vedla pouze k posílení nacistického Německa a tím i k vypuknutí druhé světové války. Dá se ale říci, že Velká Británie neměla příliš jiných možností postupovat jinak, než jak postupovala. Práce je brána z pohledu Velké Británie a její část se zabývá i vznikem diktatur v Německu a v Itálii.

Throughout the empirical psychological literature on emotion, the general consensus is that shame is maladaptive, while guilt is the adaptive moral emotion. Conversely, evolutionary psychology concludes that all emotions serve adaptive functions. Specifically, shame serves an appeasement function in social relationships. In order to investigate the true nature of shame, the current study used an experimental design. Specifically, a 2 (high shame, no shame) X 2 (high guilt, no guilt) design with a no-mistakes control group was implemented, and shame and guilt were operationalized through an evolutionary lens (i.e., shame as a nonverbal display, guilt as verbalizations of apology). Participants (n = 110) were told they would be assisting psychology faculty members with interviewing candidates for a research position. During the interview, the candidate made three mistakes, and showed shame and/or guilt according to the 2 X 2 design. Participants then rated how well the candidate performed. Results were analyzed using a 2-way ANOVA and independent samples t tests, and it was found that participants rated the candidate more favorably in both shame conditions. Importantly, there were no significant differences between those participants who viewed the candidate who made no mistakes (control condition) and those that viewed the candidate showing shame after multiple mistakes. Thus, apparently saying 'sorry' is not quite enough.

(english) The thesis deals with the British policy of non-intervention during the civil war in Spain between the years 1936 and 1939. Its main objective is to analyze the strategic and foreign political interests of the United Kingdom that formed this policy, to introduce the issue of non-intervention into the British policy of appeasement and to describe the form of non-intervention policy in Spain and its problems. In an effort to maintain peace in Europe and prevent new world war, the British government, in co- operation with France, has succeeded in enforcing this policy. A Non-intervention agreement was adopted by a total of twenty-seven European countries. They then co- operated in the Non-intervention Committee in London and jointly set up a System of Observation over Spanish borders to ensure compliance with non-intervention. However, foreign intervention in the Spanish conflict was not prevented. Due to the failure of control, disputes within the Non-intervention Committee, and the development of civil war, the policy of non-intervention was terminated in April 1939, though practically ceased to work much earlier.

For a more complete understanding of the significance of fascism in inter-war Britain, it is important to consider the extent to which fascist views were an expression or extension of existing mainstream views. This thesis uses original research to examine how far the promotion of fascist views converged with mainstream opinion and identifies the issues on which British fascists went beyond the acceptable boundaries of mainstream society. Examining attitudes to antisemitism, refugees, the left, continental dictatorship and appeasement, culture, and, finally, the response of the mainstream press to the British Union of Fascists (BUF) and their reaction to what they perceived as a conspiracy against them, the thesis explores the possibility that there is a sufficient area of discursive overlap to locate British fascists within the mainstream. Significantly, comparison of the British fascist press and mainstream newspapers reveals that, while there were considerable areas of overlapping discourse, nonetheless, the underlying motivations of the fascists and the mainstream clearly differed. With one notable yet brief exception, the majority of the mainstream press regarded British fascists as belonging to the political margins and, increasingly, British fascism and the BUF in particular, defined itself in counter-cultural opposition to the mainstream.

The appeasement movement in England sought to remove the reasons for Adolph Hitler's hostility. It did so by advocating a return to Germany of land and colonial holdings, and a removal of the penalties inflicted upon Germany by the Treaty of Versailles. While the movement itself is well documented, the contribution of The Times under the leadership of Geoffrey Dawson is not. This work deals with his direct involvement with appeasement, the British leaders and citizens involved in the movement, and the use of The Times to reinforce their program.

Thesis advisor: James Cronin / This paper examines the esoteric and essentially negativist character of international reaction to the Spanish Civil War. While the mass of the foreign public, (specifically in the United States, Britain, and Ireland), remained apathetic, several interest groups became deeply involved in the conflict. Analysis of the reasons why each group became interested, the methods they used to win supporters, and the effectiveness of those methods in shaping the historical legacy of the war constitutes the bulk of the paper. Particular emphasis is placed on the role of the Roman Catholic Church and the Communist Party in Britain and the United States. The inquiry concludes with an analysis of the historical trends which have erased the Spanish Civil War from the popular consciousness even while it remains vital to specific political constituencies. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History. / Discipline: College Honors Program.

This Master thesis, Evolution of British concepts of the territorial organization of the area of Czechoslovakia between the years 1918-1938, examines the attitude of the British foreign policy towards the territorial concept of Czechoslovakia in the interwar period. This thesis is a historiographical narrative study based primarily on the analysis of documents on British foreign policy from the period 1918-1938. The goal of this thesis is to evaluate how the British foreign policy makers reflected the existence of the new state formation in Central Europe and how their ideas about the suitability of such political organization in the area of Czechoslovakia was changing during the interwar period. The thesis is divided into three chapters. The first covers the period after the First World War, when the borders of Czechoslovakia were decided and focuses on the British role in this process. The second chapter is dedicated to British reflections on the new state in the context of the new territorial organization of Central Europe during the twenties and early thirties. The third chapter deals with the changes in British policy towards Czechoslovakia in the context of the new geopolitical reality in Central Europe after the rise of Nazism in Germany. It tries to analyse the British standpoint on the...

Intimate partner violence against women is a major problem in society. Violence has a negative impact on the victims and the person who abused the woman often needs professional help. Being able to get good personal treatment in a professional context has one of the great importance for the victim. The purpose of this study is to investigate how violence in close relationships has increased during Covid-19 and to be able to highlight how staffs who work in the women's shelter experience their work situation during the prevalent Covid-19 pandemic and how the pandemic affects the way you work with violence in close relationships. This study has a qualitative method where the empirical is collected through four to five semi-structured interviews with the women's shelter working from four different municipalities.