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Partout, des millions d'immigrants doivent apprendre à interagir avec une nouvelle culture (acculturation) et à s’y identifier (identification). Toutefois, il existe un débat important sur la relation entre l’acculturation et l’identification. Certains chercheurs les considèrent comme étant des concepts identiques; d’autres argumentent qu'un lien directionnel unit ces concepts (c.-à-d. l'identification mène à l'acculturation, ou l'acculturation mène à l'identification). Toutefois, aucune étude n'a pas investigué la nature et la direction de leur relation. Afin de clarifier ces questions, trois modèles théoriques testeront la relation entre l’acculturation et l’identification et deux variables centrales à l’immigration, soit être forcé à immigrer et l’incohérence des valeurs. Dans le premier modèle, les variables d'immigration prédirent simultanément l'acculturation et l'identification. Le second modèle avance que les variables d'immigration mènent à l'identification, qui mène à l'acculturation. Le troisième modèle précis plutôt que les variables d'immigration prédisent l'acculturation, qui prédit l'identification. Le premier modèle propose que l'acculturation et l'identification sont le même concept, tandis que les second et troisième stipulent qu'ils sont différents (ainsi que la direction de leur relation). Ces modèles seront comparés afin d’examiner l'existence et la direction du lien qui unit l'acculturation et l'identification. Lors de la première étude, 146 immigrants latino-américains ont répondu à un questionnaire. Les analyses des pistes causales appuient le troisième modèle stipulant que l'acculturation mène à l'identification et, donc, qu'ils sont des concepts distincts. Les résultats ont été confirmés à l’aide d’une deuxième étude où 15 immigrants latino-américains ont passé une entrevue semi-structurée. Les implications théoriques et pratiques seront discutées. / At present, millions of immigrants are learning to participate (acculturation) and identify to a new culture (identification). In acculturation research, there is considerable debate about the relationship between acculturation and identification. While some researchers consider them as identical concepts, other researchers argue that they are distinct. In addition, it is unclear which variable is at the origin of the other one. The aim of our research is to clarify the distinction and relationship of the variables. To this end, three theoretical models will be tested; they will differ on how acculturation and identification relate to two important immigration variables (coerciveness to immigrate and value incongruence). The first model states that the immigration variables simultaneously predict acculturation and identification. The second model affirms that the immigration variables predict identification, which then predicts acculturation. The third model is similar but instead acculturation predicts identification. Thus, if acculturation and identification have the same relationship to the two immigration variables (first model), they represent a single construct. However, if identification leads to acculturation (second model), they must be different concepts, identification prompting acculturation. Nonetheless, if acculturation leads to identification (third model), then these variables are not only different but acculturation influences identification. In the first study, 146 Latin American immigrants responded to a questionnaire. Path analyses support the third model, suggesting that acculturation leads to identification. The results were confirmed in a second study, where the semi-structured interviews of 15 Latin American immigrants were analyzed. The theoretical and practical implications are discussed.

Background: Latinos are disproportionately affected by diabetes. Studies examining acculturation and diabetes prevalence among Latinos have used diverse operational definitions of acculturation and have reported conflicting results. Objective: To examine the association between two acculturation measures--country of birth and predominant language spoken--with the prevalence of diabetes mellitus (DM) in adult U.S. Latinos. Methods: We used data from the 2007-2008 and 2009-2010 National Health and Nutrition Examination Surveys , including Latinos aged 20-80 years old (n=3,214). We examined the association of country of origin (U.S.-born vs. non-U.S.-born) and predominant language spoken (English vs. Spanish) with diabetes. Covariates included in logistic regression analysis included, age, education, income, marital status, and BMI. Results: After adjusting for age, education, income, and marital status, Latinos born in the United States and those speaking English as their predominant language demonstrated greater odds of having diabetes than their foreign-born and Spanish-speaking counterparts (OR 1.42, 95% CI 1.05-1.93 and OR 1.35, 95% CI 1.06-1.74, respectively). This positive association between acculturation and diabetes prevalence was mediated in part by body mass index. Conclusion: Latinos with high levels of acculturation--defined by country of birth and predominant language spoken--have an increased risk of diabetes compared to those with low levels of acculturation. Further research should explore the complex underlying processes that explain differences in the odds of DM by acculturation status. Our findings may inform clinicians and public health professionals in implementing interventions to prevent diabetes in U.S. Latinos, who are at high-risk for this disease. / Epidemiology