CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / Esta tese objetiva estudar a mudanÃa no sistema pronominal da lÃngua portuguesa, em suas variantes europeia e brasileira, no que tange à categoria de caso. Para isso, partimos da noÃÃo sociolinguÃstica de que toda mudanÃa à oriunda de um estÃgio anterior de variaÃÃo linguÃstica (WEINREICH; LABOV; HERZOG, 2006; LABOV, 1978, 1994, 2001, 2008 e 2010) e investigamos como variantes os pronomes o (a, os, as); ele (ela, eles, elas); lhe(s), alÃm da anÃfora zero na codificaÃÃo do caso acusativo. Como fatores condicionantes dessa mudanÃa, analisamos: o continuum oralidade/escrita; as propriedades semÃnticas do OD; o tipo da forma verbal que o acusativo complementa; a posiÃÃo do pronome; o perÃodo histÃrico; o sexo do informante; o nÃvel de escolaridade; a idade e a localidade. Propomos como tese que a perda da distinÃÃo da categoria caso nos pronomes pessoais em lÃngua portuguesa advÃm da deriva linguÃstica secular e um indÃcio que comprova esse fato està na convergÃncia linguÃstica de variantes do portuguÃs distantes geograficamente, mas que partilham fatores cognitivos e culturais (LABOV, 2010) dentro da lusofonia. Trabalhamos com duas amostras, uma escrita e outra oral, contendo textos das dÃcadas de 1970 a 2010 do portuguÃs brasileiro e do portuguÃs europeu, bem como com um teste de percepÃÃo e avaliaÃÃo das variantes aplicado a alunos da Universidade da Madeira. ApÃs descritos, os dados passaram por um tratamento estatÃstico no programa GOLDVARB X e depois foram analisados à luz do Sociofuncionalismo, uma vez que, alÃm da Teoria da VariaÃÃo e MudanÃa LinguÃstica, temos como base os princÃpios funcionalistas da iconicidade e da marcaÃÃo (GIVÃN, 1979b, 1984, 1995, 2002, 2005, 2009 e 2011). A partir do resultado do teste aplicado a 412 informantes do Funchal, pudemos mapear as variantes de prestÃgio e as estigmatizadas no PE-Insular. Por ordem de avaliaÃÃo, em sentido crescente de apreciaÃÃo, as variantes estÃo assim distribuÃdas: ele, lhe, anÃfora zero e clÃtico. Em seguida, partimos para a etapa de anÃlise dos dados de textos escritos e orais no portuguÃs europeu e no portuguÃs brasileiro. Para a variante o, foram selecionados os seguintes grupos de fatores como condicionantes: a) faixa etÃria (56 a 75); b) grau de escolaridade (ensino mÃdio e ensino superior); c) gÃnero textual (notÃcia e editorial); d) perÃodo histÃrico (dÃcadas de 70 e de 2000); e) propriedade semÃntica do objeto direto (+ humano); f) tipo da forma verbal (composta); g) localidade (Lisboa e Funchal) e h) continuum fala x escrita (escrita). Para o pronome ele, cinco fatores foram selecionados, a saber: a) faixa etÃria (36 a 55 e 56 a 75); b) 10 escolaridade (ensino fundamental); c) sexo do informante (feminino); d) localidade (Rio de Janeiro) e e) propriedade semÃntica do OD (+ humano). Para a anÃfora zero, foram selecionados os fatores a) faixa etÃria (18 a 35); b) gÃnero textual (entrevista); c) continuum fala x escrita (fala); d) perÃodo histÃrico (dÃcadas de 80, 90, 2010); e) localidade (Rio de Janeiro); f) traÃo semÃntico do objeto (- humano) e g) tipo da forma verbal (simples). Para o pronome lhe, apenas um fator condicionante foi selecionado, a propriedade semÃntica do objeto (+ humano). ApÃs analisados os dados, observamos microdomÃnios funcionais configurando uma sintaxe da lÃngua portuguesa pÃs-colonial: de um lado, estÃo o clÃtico e a anÃfora zero, as variantes nÃo marcadas, apresentando alta frequÃncia, mas motivaÃÃes opostas; por outro lado, as variantes marcadas cognitivamente e socialmente, ele e lhe, apresentam baixa frequÃncia e comportamento anÃlogo entre si. / This thesis aims to study the change in the pronominal system in Portuguese, in its European and Brazilian variants, regarding the category of case. Thereto, it considers that any change comes from an earlier stage of linguistic variation (Weinreich, Labov, Herzog, 2006; Labov, 1978, 1994, 2001, 2008, 2010) and investigates variants of pronouns o (a, os, as); ele (ela, eles, elas); lhe(s), in addition to zero anaphora. As conditioning factors of this change, it analyzes the oral or written continuum; the semantic properties of the direct object; the kind of verbal form that the accusative complements; the position of the pronoun; the historical period; the sex of the informant; the level of schooling; the age and the location. It proposes that the loss of the distinction of the case category in personal pronouns in Portuguese derives from the secular linguistic drift, and an evidence that proves this fact lies in the linguistic convergence of variants of Portuguese geographically distant but sharing cognitive and cultural factors (Labov, 2010) within Lusophony. It works with two samples, a written one and an oral one, containing texts from the 1970s to 2010 of Brazilian Portuguese and European Portuguese, as well as a test of perception and evaluation of variants applied to students of the University of Madeira. After being described, the data were subjected to a statistical treatment in the GoldVarb X program and then analyzed in the light of Sociofunctionalism, since, besides the Theory of Variation and Linguistic Change, it is based on the functionalist principles of iconicity and marking (Givon, 1979b, 1984, 1995, 2002, 2005, 2009, 2011). From the result of the test applied to 412 informants from Funchal, it was possible to map prestige variants and those stigmatized in European Portuguese peninsular. By order of evaluation, in an increasing sense of appreciation, the variants are distributed as it follows: ele, lhe, zero anaphora and o(a)(s). After that, it makes the analysis of the data of written and oral texts in European Portuguese and Brazilian Portuguese. For variant o, the following groups of factors were selected as conditioning factors: a) Age group (56 to 75); b) education level (high school and higher education); c) textual genre (news and editorial); d) historical period (decades of 70 and 2000); e) semantic property of the direct object (+human); f) type of verbal form (compound); g) locality (Lisbon and Funchal); and h) continuum speech vs. writing (writing). As for the pronoun ele, five factors were selected, namely: a) age 12 range (36 to 55 and 56 to 75); b) schooling (elementary education); c) gender of the informant (female); d) locality (Rio de Janeiro); and e) semantic property of the direct object (+human). As for zero anaphora, the following factors were selected: a) age range (18 to 35); b) textual genre (interview); c) continuum speech vs. writing (speech); d) historical period (decades of 80, 90, 2010); e) locality (Rio de Janeiro); f) semantic trait of the object (âhuman) and g) type of the verbal form (simple). As for the pronoun lhe, only one conditioning factor was selected, the semantic property of the object (+human). After analyzing the data, functional microdomains were observed, configuring a syntax of the postcolonial Portuguese language: on the one hand, clitic o and zero anaphora, variants not marked, presenting high frequency, but opposite motivations; on the other hand, the variants marked cognitively and socially (ele and lhe) present low frequency and behavior analogous to each other.

Ce travail vise à proposer une hypothèse rendant compte de l’alternance entre les objets accusatifs précédés de la préposition a et les objets accusatifs sans préposition dans un texte espagnol du XIIIe siècle, la Primera crónica general, et à mettre au point une méthodologie permettant d’évaluer la validité de cette hypothèse et éventuellement de la faire évoluer. La première partie explique comment a été constitué le corpus, c’est-à-dire comment ont été sélectionnés et classés les cas à étudier. La deuxième partie évoque les principaux travaux de la bibliographie qui ont inspiré l’hypothèse de travail. La troisième partie présente cette dernière ainsi que la méthodologie d’analyse du corpus. L’hypothèse de travail repose sur les notions de topicalité et de thématisme. La topicalité d’un participant est définie ici comme l’aptitude de ce dernier à constituer aux yeux du locuteur un thème du discours. Elle dépend du degré auquel le locuteur peut s’identifier à ce participant, et on peut l’évaluer théoriquement en fonction de quatre hiérarchies : personne, animation, identification, agentivité. Des facteurs contextuels peuvent modifier la topicalité relative réelle du participant par rapport à sa topicalité relative théorique. Le thématisme est défini ici comme la propriété possédée par un participant qui est aux yeux du locuteur le thème d’un énoncé donné. L’hypothèse relie la présence de a à un objet dont le référent a une topicalité et un thématisme égaux ou supérieurs à ceux du sujet. La méthodologie d’analyse du corpus repose sur la constitution de groupes homogènes quant à la topicalité théorique relative du référent de l’objet, puis sur l’observation détaillée de la topicalité relative réelle et du thématisme relatif des référents des objets de chaque groupe. La quatrième partie décrit l’analyse du corpus selon cette méthodologie, analyse qui permet de valider l’hypothèse tout en l’enrichissant de plusieurs hypothèses complémentaires. / This research aims to formulate a theory accounting for the alternation between prepositional accusatives and non-prepositional accusatives in a Spanish text from the XIIIth century, the Primera crónica general, and also to propose a method assessing the validity of this theory and allowing for potential improvements. The first part describes the elaboration of the corpus, the selection and classification of occurrences. The second part gives an overview of the major research works amongst the bibliographical references which inspired the working theory. The third part presents this working theory and the method for corpus analysis. The theory rests upon the discourse functions of topicality and 'thematism'. Topicality of a participant can be defined as the aptitude of the participant in the eyes of the speaker to become a theme of discourse. It relies on the speaker's degree of identification with the participant, and one can theoretically evaluate this in terms of four criteria : person, animacy, identification, agency. Contextual factors can modify the actual topicality of a participant compared to its theoretical topicality. 'Thematism' is defined here as the property of a participant perceived by the speaker as the theme of an utterance. The theory associates a-marking with an object whose referent's topicality and 'thematism' is equal or superior to the referent of the subject. The method for corpus analysis relies upon the classification into groups of objects whose referents have the same relative theoretical topicality, followed by a detailed observation of the relative actual topicality and the relative 'thematism' of referents within each group. The fourth part is devoted to describing the results of the corpus analysis, allowing for the verification of the theory whilst enriching it with additional theoretical points.

Esta pesquisa teve por objetivo encontrar indícios a respeito da natureza da gramática não nativa do espanhol, especificamente no que se refere à aquisição/aprendizagem do objeto pronominal acusativo de 3ª pessoa, a partir da intuição de aprendizes brasileiros de diferentes gerações, níveis de aprendizagem de ELE e níveis de instrução em LM. Partindo das diferenças entre a gramática do espanhol e do PB, que possuem propriedades abstratas diferentes nesse aspecto da gramática, o que indica diferenças paramétricas entre elas, das mudanças no PB, e considerando a LM como a mediadora entre a GU e a gramática da LE, nossa hipótese foi de que a gramática não nativa dos aprendizes de menor faixa etária seria mais permeável à gramática contemporânea do PB, enquanto a dos aprendizes de faixas etárias mais elevadas seria menos permeável. Por meio da análise dos testes de aceitabilidade de ambas as gramáticas, constatamos que a coexistência de gramáticas no PB possui diferentes graus de consolidação e de aceitação na intuição dos falantes das duas diferentes gerações e se reflete na intuição não nativa dos aprendizes. Por outro lado, encontramos evidências de reestruturação, que nos remetem ao reflexo da gramática do espanhol na intuição não nativa, além de indícios de que os elementos visíveis podem atuar como desencadeadores de reestruturação no início da aprendizagem. Entretanto, encontramos evidências também de que o processo de reestruturação não capta as propriedades abstratas da LE, bem como seria apenas parcial. A partir dessas constatações, é possível afirmar que há evidências de que a competência não nativa seja apenas aparente, de modo que não corresponde à representação mental de um falante nativo. / The aim of this paper is to find evidences on the nature of Spanish non-native grammar, regarding specifically to the acquisition/learning of the 3rd person accusative pronominal object, from Brazilian learners intuitions of different generations, Spanish and educational levels. Our hypothesis is that the non-native grammar of younger learners is more permeable to BP contemporary grammar than non native grammar of older learners, based on differences in Spanish and Brazilian Portuguese (BP) grammar which have different abstract properties in this very aspect of grammar, indicating parametric differences between the languages, linguistics changes in BP and considering the mother tongue as a mediator between the Universal Grammar and the foreign language. Through acceptability test analysis of both grammars, it was found that the coexistence of BP grammars has different degrees of consolidation and acceptance in the speakers intuition of different generations and it reflects on learners non-native intuition. In contrast, restructuring evidences revealing the Spanish grammar reflection in non-native intuition were observed. Furthermore, evidences that visible elements can act as restructuring triggers in Spanish first lessons were identified. However, our findings reveal that the restructuring process does not capture FL abstract properties and that the former is only partial. From these results, there are evidences that the non-native competence is apparent, since it would not correspond to a native speakers mental representation.

Adverbiale Kasus sind Substantivgruppen ohne Präposition, die im Satz die Funktion einer temporalen, lokalen oder modalen Adverbialbestimmung erfüllen. Im Satz treten sie in der Regel als Adjunkte auf und sind in ihrer Form syntaktisch unabhängig. Das Ziel der vorliegenden Dissertation ist, adverbiale Kasus des Deutschen anhand zahlreicher Belege sowohl synchron als auch diachron aus verschiedenen Perspektiven zu beschreiben. In den älteren Sprachstufen sind adverbiale Kasus häufig belegt. Bis zum Gegenwartsdeutschen wurden viele davon adverbialisiert, durch Präpositionalphrasen ersetzt oder sind zu Phraseologismen erstarrt. In dieser Arbeit wird auf die semantisch-lexikalischen Restriktionen, Struktur, interne Ausfüllung bzw. Besetzung, Bezugsmöglichkeiten, Bedeutungen und die stilistischen Besonderheiten adverbialer Kasus ausführlich eingegangen. / Adverbial case is a noun phrase without preposition, functioning as the adverbial modifier of time, place or manner in a sentence. Syntactically they usually serve as adjuncts and are independent in their form. The aim of the present investigation was to describe the German adverbial case synchronically and diachronically on the basis of a large number of speech samples from different points of view. Adverbial cases have been very frequent at the earlier stages of German. Many of them have been adverbialised, replaced by prepositional phrases or have turned into phraseologisms in the course of language development up to the modern German. The present doctor thesis provides a detailed study of the lexical-semantic restrictions of the adverbial cases as well as of their structure and inner filling, their relation to other sentence constituents, aspects of their meaning and stylistic peculiarities.

This thesis deals with direct object nouns case-marked differentially. According to the commonly assumed generalization nouns marked with ACC case are prototypical objects representing high transitivity, whereas nouns marked with non-accusative cases are not. However, such a view ignores the possibility of a much finer distinction and fails to account for empirical data from languages with rich case morphology, such as Ukrainian. Given the complexity of the phenomenon under study the main objective of our investigation is to account exhaustively for all possible instances of non-accusative case marking and case alternations on direct objects in Ukrainian trying to classify and analyze the data by specifying the factors that condition the distinction ‘accusative versus non-accusative case marking’ and by integrating the phenomenon of differential object marking (DOM) into a formal model. We present DOM as a phenomenon that, together with the phenomenon of unaccusativity, can be subsumed under a broader concept of non-accusativity (defined as inability of verbs to assign ACC case). In this context we show that in Ukrainian and French morphosyntactic case realization has semantic underpinnings and that issues related to case valuation emanate from the intersection of different phenomena – DOM and nominal incorporation, DOM and verb typology, DOM and the process of (de)transitivization, and so on. However, the (morphosyntactic) visibility of those points of intersection varies from one language to another. Generativist distinction between syntactic (abstract) and morphological cases as well as the functionalist idea that case markings can be characterized as morphemes having different functional applications constitute the basis of our analysis of data. Using the typological views of these two approaches on the category of case as guidelines in our classification of collected data, we resort to minimalist formalism. Case is treated as an uninterpretable feature and a clear distinction is drawn between two types of case valuation – case checking and case assignment. Structural cases are checked during verb-raising and inherent (lexical) cases (among which we find predicate and default cases) are assigned either by a weak (or defective) v or by (an overt or null) preposition (P) in situ.

This thesis deals with direct object nouns case-marked differentially. According to the commonly assumed generalization nouns marked with ACC case are prototypical objects representing high transitivity, whereas nouns marked with non-accusative cases are not. However, such a view ignores the possibility of a much finer distinction and fails to account for empirical data from languages with rich case morphology, such as Ukrainian. Given the complexity of the phenomenon under study the main objective of our investigation is to account exhaustively for all possible instances of non-accusative case marking and case alternations on direct objects in Ukrainian trying to classify and analyze the data by specifying the factors that condition the distinction ‘accusative versus non-accusative case marking’ and by integrating the phenomenon of differential object marking (DOM) into a formal model. We present DOM as a phenomenon that, together with the phenomenon of unaccusativity, can be subsumed under a broader concept of non-accusativity (defined as inability of verbs to assign ACC case). In this context we show that in Ukrainian and French morphosyntactic case realization has semantic underpinnings and that issues related to case valuation emanate from the intersection of different phenomena – DOM and nominal incorporation, DOM and verb typology, DOM and the process of (de)transitivization, and so on. However, the (morphosyntactic) visibility of those points of intersection varies from one language to another. Generativist distinction between syntactic (abstract) and morphological cases as well as the functionalist idea that case markings can be characterized as morphemes having different functional applications constitute the basis of our analysis of data. Using the typological views of these two approaches on the category of case as guidelines in our classification of collected data, we resort to minimalist formalism. Case is treated as an uninterpretable feature and a clear distinction is drawn between two types of case valuation – case checking and case assignment. Structural cases are checked during verb-raising and inherent (lexical) cases (among which we find predicate and default cases) are assigned either by a weak (or defective) v or by (an overt or null) preposition (P) in situ.

Esta pesquisa teve por objetivo encontrar indícios a respeito da natureza da gramática não nativa do espanhol, especificamente no que se refere à aquisição/aprendizagem do objeto pronominal acusativo de 3ª pessoa, a partir da intuição de aprendizes brasileiros de diferentes gerações, níveis de aprendizagem de ELE e níveis de instrução em LM. Partindo das diferenças entre a gramática do espanhol e do PB, que possuem propriedades abstratas diferentes nesse aspecto da gramática, o que indica diferenças paramétricas entre elas, das mudanças no PB, e considerando a LM como a mediadora entre a GU e a gramática da LE, nossa hipótese foi de que a gramática não nativa dos aprendizes de menor faixa etária seria mais permeável à gramática contemporânea do PB, enquanto a dos aprendizes de faixas etárias mais elevadas seria menos permeável. Por meio da análise dos testes de aceitabilidade de ambas as gramáticas, constatamos que a coexistência de gramáticas no PB possui diferentes graus de consolidação e de aceitação na intuição dos falantes das duas diferentes gerações e se reflete na intuição não nativa dos aprendizes. Por outro lado, encontramos evidências de reestruturação, que nos remetem ao reflexo da gramática do espanhol na intuição não nativa, além de indícios de que os elementos visíveis podem atuar como desencadeadores de reestruturação no início da aprendizagem. Entretanto, encontramos evidências também de que o processo de reestruturação não capta as propriedades abstratas da LE, bem como seria apenas parcial. A partir dessas constatações, é possível afirmar que há evidências de que a competência não nativa seja apenas aparente, de modo que não corresponde à representação mental de um falante nativo. / The aim of this paper is to find evidences on the nature of Spanish non-native grammar, regarding specifically to the acquisition/learning of the 3rd person accusative pronominal object, from Brazilian learners intuitions of different generations, Spanish and educational levels. Our hypothesis is that the non-native grammar of younger learners is more permeable to BP contemporary grammar than non native grammar of older learners, based on differences in Spanish and Brazilian Portuguese (BP) grammar which have different abstract properties in this very aspect of grammar, indicating parametric differences between the languages, linguistics changes in BP and considering the mother tongue as a mediator between the Universal Grammar and the foreign language. Through acceptability test analysis of both grammars, it was found that the coexistence of BP grammars has different degrees of consolidation and acceptance in the speakers intuition of different generations and it reflects on learners non-native intuition. In contrast, restructuring evidences revealing the Spanish grammar reflection in non-native intuition were observed. Furthermore, evidences that visible elements can act as restructuring triggers in Spanish first lessons were identified. However, our findings reveal that the restructuring process does not capture FL abstract properties and that the former is only partial. From these results, there are evidences that the non-native competence is apparent, since it would not correspond to a native speakers mental representation.

Cette étude porte sur l'emploi d'adjectifs neutres en fonction adverbiale en grec ancien, sur un corpus constitué de l'ensemble de la poésie archaïque, d'Homère à Pindare. Les données recueillies ont été, autant que possible, confrontées aux données des auteurs classiques et des poètes alexandrins, et replacées dans la perspective de la linguistique indo-européenne. Une étude morphologique montre le caractère récent des adverbes en ως en grec homérique, alors que le neutre adverbial semble constituer un procédé d'adverbialisation ancien et courant. Un examen sémantique des neutres adverbiaux et des adverbes en ως fait apparaître que ces derniers présentent des traits sémantiques typiques d'une catégorie d'adverbes en cours de développement, puisqu'il s'agit presque exclusivement d'adverbes de manière, alors que les neutres adverbiaux apparaissent, chez Homère, dans presque toutes les catégories d'adverbes, ce qui est le propre d'un procédé d'adverbialisation qui a déjà connu une forte productivité. Enfin, une étude syntaxique souligne les limites de la thèse traditionnelle qui voit dans nombre d'adjectifs neutres employés comme adverbes des accusatifs d'objet interne : cette hypothèse ne tient pas compte de l'existence de nombreux neutres adverbiaux qui ne sauraient s'expliquer ainsi, et elle suppose que l'on ait pu substantiver sans restriction des adjectifs au neutre singulier, ce qui n'est pas le cas chez Homère. Cette étude syntaxique met enfin en lumière les étapes du développement des adverbes en ως : ceux-ci sont d'abord apparus dans des contextes où le sujet avait un contrôle sur l'action, ainsi que dans des contextes où l'adverbe est orienté vers le sujet. / The object of this work is to describe and explain the use of neuter adjectives as adverbs in Ancient Greek. It is based on a corpus comprising all archaic Greek poetry, from Homer to Pindar. Whenever possible, this data is compared with the data of the Classical and Hellenistic periods, and put into an Indo-European perspective. The examination of the morphology of adverbs in archaic Greek shows that the adverbs in ως are a recent development in Homer, whereas adverbial neuters seem to have been the default way of deriving an adverb from an adjective shortly before the archaic period. The semantics of the adverbs in ως displays typical features of a relatively new adverbial formation: in Homer, the suffix ως is only found in adverbs expressing manner. On the other hand, neuter adjectives used as adverbs are found in almost every adverbial function, which is the expected behaviour of a very productive adverbial formation. Finally, a syntaxic study of the adjectives in archaic Greek shows that the use of neuter adjectives as adverbs cannot be explained as a special case of internal accusative: this hypothesis is unable to account for numerous neuter adjectives used as adverbs, and implies that neuter adjectives could be used as substantives in singular without any restriction, which is not the case in Homer. This syntaxic study also sheds light on the development of the adverbs in ως: they first appeared in contexts where the subject controlled the process, and in contexts where the adverb is subject-oriented.

Au VIème siècle après J.-Ch., les structures de la langue latine ne correspondent plus tout à fait aux normes de la langue classique, aussi bien du point de vue morphologique et sémantique que syntaxique. A travers l’étude comparative des constructions absolues entre un corpus d’auteurs classiques et un corpus d’auteurs tardifs, nous montrons l’émergence de nouvelles valeurs du participe, particulièrement le participe passé actif de verbes non déponents, en latin tardif, ou plus exactement une fréquence accrue de valeurs parfois attestées en latin classique et archaïque. / In the 6th century A.D., the structures of the Latin language no longer entirelycorrespond to the norms of Classical Latin, from a morphological and semantic perspective aswell as a syntactical one.By means of a comparative study of absolute constructions in a corpus of classicalauthors and a corpus of later authors, we show the emergence of new participle values, inparticular the active passive participle of non-deponent verbs in Late Latin, or more precisely,a greater frequency of values sometimes attested in Classical and Archaic Latin.

Text in Afrikaans / Tradisioneel is aanvaar dat die indirekte voorwerp nie in Afrikaanse stelsinne kan optree sander die voorkoms van 'n direkte voorwerp in dieselfde sin nie. Hierdie ondersoek het aan die lig gebring dat sekere voorwerpe wat voorheen as "direkte voorwerpe" geklassifiseer is, eerder die eienskappe van indirekte Hulle word dus nou geklassifiseer as en die parameters van die indirekte ooreenkomstig uitgebrei. Aangesien daar geen formele merkers vir die uitkenning en onderskeiding van direkte en indirecte voorwerpe bestaan nie, is parameters vir die doel vasgestel. Skoon indireckte voorwerpe (op enkele uisonderings na) verskyn altyd direk na die SPIL-posisie in 'n stelsin toon 'n groot affiniteit vir voorsetsels (versa vir, aan), en kan in die koers van adjunk afgegradeer word, deur me 'n voorsetsel te verbind, en kan sodoende ook na' 'n adjunk verskyn. Direkte voorwerpe kan daarenteen nie met voorset-: sels verbind nie en kan buitendien na enige adjunk verskyn. / Language Education, Arts and Culture / M.A. (Afrikaans)