This paper considers the problem of language change. Linguists must explain not only how languages are learned but also how and why they have evolved along certain trajectories and not others. While the language learning problem has focused on the behavior of individuals and how they acquire a particular grammar from a class of grammars ${cal G}$, here we consider a population of such learners and investigate the emergent, global population characteristics of linguistic communities over several generations. We argue that language change follows logically from specific assumptions about grammatical theories and learning paradigms. In particular, we are able to transform parameterized theories and memoryless acquisition algorithms into grammatical dynamical systems, whose evolution depicts a population's evolving linguistic composition. We investigate the linguistic and computational consequences of this model, showing that the formalization allows one to ask questions about diachronic that one otherwise could not ask, such as the effect of varying initial conditions on the resulting diachronic trajectories. From a more programmatic perspective, we give an example of how the dynamical system model for language change can serve as a way to distinguish among alternative grammatical theories, introducing a formal diachronic adequacy criterion for linguistic theories.

This dissertation provides an account of an often-noted change in the history of French: the shift in the expression of the internal argument of a small class of dynamic two-place verbs best represented by aider ‘to help’ from “dative”, i.e., as an indirect object with the preposition à, to “accusative”, i.e., as a direct object with no preposition. The change does not appear to be correlated with a change in the meaning of the verbs. Traditional commentators have viewed it as random, affecting only a few lexical items, rather than systematic. One of the central results of this thesis is that the valency change affects a class of some twenty verbs at approximately the same period and it follows the same time course. Moreover, three properties distinguish this class of verbs from all others taking indirect objects in French: following current ideas about the syntactic manifestation of verbs and their arguments, they have a non relational argument structure, they do not possess lexical directionality, and they select for first or third order entities. These facts suggest that a structural change underlies the change in the realization of the internal argument. Adopting Lightfoot’s (1999, 2006) “cue-based” approach to language change, it is proposed that the valency change is a result of the loss of a functional item encoding directionality. Directionality is a derived property in Medieval French, available in particular to prepositions. It is demonstrated that when à was able to encode direction, it was also able to license first and third order complements in a broader range of contexts, namely, with aider-type verbs. The loss of this functional item is also correlated with several other structural changes that occurred in the 16th and 17th century.

This dissertation provides an account of an often-noted change in the history of French: the shift in the expression of the internal argument of a small class of dynamic two-place verbs best represented by aider ‘to help’ from “dative”, i.e., as an indirect object with the preposition à, to “accusative”, i.e., as a direct object with no preposition. The change does not appear to be correlated with a change in the meaning of the verbs. Traditional commentators have viewed it as random, affecting only a few lexical items, rather than systematic. One of the central results of this thesis is that the valency change affects a class of some twenty verbs at approximately the same period and it follows the same time course. Moreover, three properties distinguish this class of verbs from all others taking indirect objects in French: following current ideas about the syntactic manifestation of verbs and their arguments, they have a non relational argument structure, they do not possess lexical directionality, and they select for first or third order entities. These facts suggest that a structural change underlies the change in the realization of the internal argument. Adopting Lightfoot’s (1999, 2006) “cue-based” approach to language change, it is proposed that the valency change is a result of the loss of a functional item encoding directionality. Directionality is a derived property in Medieval French, available in particular to prepositions. It is demonstrated that when à was able to encode direction, it was also able to license first and third order complements in a broader range of contexts, namely, with aider-type verbs. The loss of this functional item is also correlated with several other structural changes that occurred in the 16th and 17th century.

Esta dissertação teve como objetivo articular um estudo do determinante diante das formas possessivas com base em um corpus histórico jornalístico composto de anúncios e cartas de leitores e redatores extraídos de jornais paulistas do século XIX. Focalizamos as formas possessivas seu/seus/sua/suas pré-nominais, observando a presença versus ausência do artigo definido e seus diferentes contextos. Nossas hipóteses buscaram resolver algumas questões teóricas relacionadas à estrutura do DP possessivo no PB, entre elas a da opcionalidade aparente do determinante e a da variação na realização de Número no interior da estrutura. Desenvolvemos respostas e análises às questões a partir da associação de dois quadros teóricos: a teoria dos Princípios & Parâmetros (CHOMSKY 1981, 1986) incluindo alguns refinamentos do Programa Minimalista (CHOMSKY 1995, 1998, 2000, 2001, 2004), e os pressupostos elaborados dentro da Sociolinguística Variacionista (cf. WEINREICH, LABOV e HERZOG (WLH) (1968); LABOV (1972, 1994, 2000)). Consideramos também estudos posteriores que conciliaram a mudança paramétrica internalista da língua (ROBERTS (2007)) com fatores extragramaticais que determinam o percurso das formas linguísticas no tempo histórico (KROCH (1989, 1994, 2000)). Para o estudo da estrutura do DP possessivo usamos a análise sobre os Bare Nouns de Cyrino & Espinal (2014). Os resultados obtidos mostraram que a média geral de ausência do determinante diante de DPs possessivos se manteve a mesma nos dois períodos analisados, configurando uma variação estável. Concluímos que não houve, portanto, indícios de oscilação no uso de uma ou outra variante que pudesse demonstrar o avanço de uma delas em detrimento de outra. / The aim of this thesis is to describe the possessive DP structure and investigate the use of the determiner in possessive noun phrases in Paulista Brazilian Portuguese from the 19th century. For our description and analysis, we use advertisements and letters from readers and writers drawn from a historical and journalistic corpus. This research tries to verify if there is a parametric change and the contexts affected by the change and to propose an analysis for the observed facts. We adopt a minimalist approach based on Chomsky (1995, 1998, 2000, 2001, 2004), within the Principles and Parameters Model (CHOMSKY 1981, 1986). We also adopt a variationist sociolinguistical approach (cf. WEINREICH, LABOV and HERZOG (WLH) (1968); LABOV (1972, 1994, 2000)) and studies of internalist parametric change (ROBERTS (2007)) and social factors (KROCH (1989, 1994, 2000)) to determine the way the possible change takes place. In order to explore possessive DP structure we use the Bare Nouns analyses by Cyrino & Espinal (2014). During the period considered, the use of the article was variable, setting a stable variation.

Esta dissertação teve como objetivo articular um estudo do determinante diante das formas possessivas com base em um corpus histórico jornalístico composto de anúncios e cartas de leitores e redatores extraídos de jornais paulistas do século XIX. Focalizamos as formas possessivas seu/seus/sua/suas pré-nominais, observando a presença versus ausência do artigo definido e seus diferentes contextos. Nossas hipóteses buscaram resolver algumas questões teóricas relacionadas à estrutura do DP possessivo no PB, entre elas a da opcionalidade aparente do determinante e a da variação na realização de Número no interior da estrutura. Desenvolvemos respostas e análises às questões a partir da associação de dois quadros teóricos: a teoria dos Princípios & Parâmetros (CHOMSKY 1981, 1986) incluindo alguns refinamentos do Programa Minimalista (CHOMSKY 1995, 1998, 2000, 2001, 2004), e os pressupostos elaborados dentro da Sociolinguística Variacionista (cf. WEINREICH, LABOV e HERZOG (WLH) (1968); LABOV (1972, 1994, 2000)). Consideramos também estudos posteriores que conciliaram a mudança paramétrica internalista da língua (ROBERTS (2007)) com fatores extragramaticais que determinam o percurso das formas linguísticas no tempo histórico (KROCH (1989, 1994, 2000)). Para o estudo da estrutura do DP possessivo usamos a análise sobre os Bare Nouns de Cyrino & Espinal (2014). Os resultados obtidos mostraram que a média geral de ausência do determinante diante de DPs possessivos se manteve a mesma nos dois períodos analisados, configurando uma variação estável. Concluímos que não houve, portanto, indícios de oscilação no uso de uma ou outra variante que pudesse demonstrar o avanço de uma delas em detrimento de outra. / The aim of this thesis is to describe the possessive DP structure and investigate the use of the determiner in possessive noun phrases in Paulista Brazilian Portuguese from the 19th century. For our description and analysis, we use advertisements and letters from readers and writers drawn from a historical and journalistic corpus. This research tries to verify if there is a parametric change and the contexts affected by the change and to propose an analysis for the observed facts. We adopt a minimalist approach based on Chomsky (1995, 1998, 2000, 2001, 2004), within the Principles and Parameters Model (CHOMSKY 1981, 1986). We also adopt a variationist sociolinguistical approach (cf. WEINREICH, LABOV and HERZOG (WLH) (1968); LABOV (1972, 1994, 2000)) and studies of internalist parametric change (ROBERTS (2007)) and social factors (KROCH (1989, 1994, 2000)) to determine the way the possible change takes place. In order to explore possessive DP structure we use the Bare Nouns analyses by Cyrino & Espinal (2014). During the period considered, the use of the article was variable, setting a stable variation.

This is the first typological study devoted to Medieval Cypriot (MC). The objective of the study is to provide both syntactic and pragmatic factors which are determining for the word order of the language and to open new ways to recording mechanisms of word order change. Cypriot syntax deserves this attention, as it is a language highly interesting for the typologist as for the researcher of other linguistic areas; Modern Cypriot is VOS, and exhibits a series of exceptions to the general rules of V-initial languages. Medieval Cypriot conforms to most of Greenberg�s Universals (1963) which are pertinent to type VSO in that it has V in initial position in all unmarked clauses, in that it is prepositional, that adjectives mostly follow the noun they qualify, and so on. However, the comparison of MC to Greenberg�s Universals is not the aim of this work. Apart form the order of the main constituents, this research mainly focuses on revealing mechanisms of syntactic change not generally known, and on unveiling particular traits of the Cypriot VSO order that are not common to other VSO languages. The analysis can be defined as diachronic for it deals with the language written over a span of many years, as assumed from studying the texts. Some words and structures, used in the beginning of the narrative, seem to decrease in frequency in the end, or vice versa. It is diachronic considering it also allows for comparison with later (colloquial) and earlier (written) constructions of the language. However, it is mostly a synchronic analysis; the patterns observed are from within the same language spoken by the same people living in the same period, more importantly from within the same work. Makhairas is thus the only broad evidence of his period, offered both as a diachronic and a synchronic linguistic testimony of his time. As no language exists in vacuo, my description of MC starts with a historical approach to the language under study; it is almost impossible to realise the problems of colloquial, literary and foreign features without being aware of the earlier history of Greek in general and of Cypriot in particular, in some of its earlier documents. I refrained as far as possible from entering the field of comparative criticism with Medieval Greek. In this way I decided to focus on discussions based exclusively on the Cypriot forms and patterns, as presented and justified by the evidence in Makhairas, and as witnessed by history which, for many centuries, has singled out Cypriot from the rest of the dialects and the Greek language itself. So, alternative views, criticism and discussion of same mechanisms of change recorded within the broader Greek language have been more or less avoided. The exposition of the MC word order patterns is based on my hypotheses that word order, as I understand it, is founded on purposes of communication and that languages with extreme flexibility of order, such as Medieval Cypriot, may adopt patterns that display rigidity of order in a number of their elements. It is within these areas of rigidity that new mechanisms of change may be detected. I also hypothesised that the same syntactic changes within languages of the same branch may be merely coincidental, and that Greek or forms of Greek may well adopt foreign elements, only (but not exclusively) if these acquire the Greek endings, or if they appear as independent affixes, as is the case with the post-medieval referential Cypriot marker �mish� which is from Turkish. Acquiring particular elements from other languages does not mean acquiring their order. However, acquiring patterns that are similar to Greek from a borrowing language which has the same patterns does not exclude syntactic borrowing. Since Modern Cypriot is V-initial, I presumed that this might have also been its order in the Middle Ages. I judge that major mechanisms of syntactic change of the same period may have been triggered by factors internal to Cypriot rather than by the more general, universal mechanisms of change. Moreover, I speculated that MC was a far more marginalised language in the Middle Ages than what history and literature have taught us. Its creative dynamism and potentiality to �juggle� between words and patterns has been its greater forte. Cypriot has not been studied as a dialect, in this work. I avoided having only a partial or a shadowed understanding of its word order patterns. Exhaustive descriptions that show its particularities in the process of completion appear with both rigidity (in some elements) and flexibility of order, and most importantly, they exhibit a long-life endurance. I have also been concerned with forms and /or patterns of Greek such as the future and other periphrastic tenses, although they are already known and have been analysed at length in Greek linguistic studies. I concentrate here on some of these from a Cypriot perspective. Cypriot has never been classified as Balkan Greek or mainland Greek. Following this study, it will be clarified further that any attempt to fit MC into a framework defined along these categorisations will be successful only in some areas of the general Greek syntax. In fact, Cypriot opens the way for a further understanding of Greek syntax with its (almost) boundless flexibility; it is through MC and the unique data of Makhairas that the study of the Greek syntax is being enriched. Areas of fine-grained classificatory criteria result in connecting some MC syntactic traits to those of Greek and accrediting to the language its own word order singularities in what can be righteously called here the Cypriot syntax. Additionally, the study aims to open new areas of investigation on diachronic syntactic issues and to initiate new and revealing answers concerning configurational syntax. To determine the syntactic traits of MC a meticulous work of counting was needed. The counting of the order of the main constituents from both the more general narrative patterns of the Chronicle as well as of those passages thought to be more immediate to the author�s living experience(s) was done manually. The primarily and more difficult task of considering, following and explaining pragmatic word order patterns in the Chronicle has been the stepping stone of this research. Earlier (and forgotten) stages of Greek, and patterns exclusive to Cypriot, assembled in a unique lexicon and with special Cypriot phrasal verbs, have provided answers to explaining the Cypriot structure. In addition to statistics, areas of language contact have also been explored, both in the morphology and in the syntax. More importantly, the extreme word order freedom of MC that illustrates word order processes based entirely on internal structural changes, aims to contribute to discussions regarding morphology and syntax versus morphosyntax. Chapter 1 provides all the background information of the history and language in Cyprus, prior to the Middle Ages. Chapter 2 deals with the description of the data and the methodology used to assess them. Chapter 3 exhibits the MC verbal forms, both finite and non-finite; it examines non-finites more closely, inasmuch as they play an important role in the change of the order of major constituents and uncover and explain the role of V-initial structures. Chapter 4 is the core chapter of this work. It displays Cypriot particularities of word order, reveals data concerned with the word order of the major constituents within the clause and unfolds explanatory accounts of them; lastly, it classifies MC as a V-initial language. Chapter 5 summarises conclusions, adds a further note on the Cypriot morphosyntactic traits while placing the results into the contemporary scholarship on VSO languages, also suggesting additional research areas into the MC patterns. The examples from Makhairas have been written in the monotonic system, where only one accent has been used; other special symbols have been eliminated or modified in the interest of making the text readable in the absence of the right font. However, Ancient Greek words appear with their appropriate accents. Abbreviation C indicates structures or words that remained unchanged in Cypriot over a long period of time, and G means a form or word accepted in both their written and spoken forms over a long period of time in Greek. A morphemic analysis of each form of the glosses has not always been given. I limited myself to glossing some elements only, for the better understanding of some examples.

This is the first typological study devoted to Medieval Cypriot (MC). The objective of the study is to provide both syntactic and pragmatic factors which are determining for the word order of the language and to open new ways to recording mechanisms of word order change. Cypriot syntax deserves this attention, as it is a language highly interesting for the typologist as for the researcher of other linguistic areas; Modern Cypriot is VOS, and exhibits a series of exceptions to the general rules of V-initial languages. Medieval Cypriot conforms to most of Greenberg�s Universals (1963) which are pertinent to type VSO in that it has V in initial position in all unmarked clauses, in that it is prepositional, that adjectives mostly follow the noun they qualify, and so on. However, the comparison of MC to Greenberg�s Universals is not the aim of this work. Apart form the order of the main constituents, this research mainly focuses on revealing mechanisms of syntactic change not generally known, and on unveiling particular traits of the Cypriot VSO order that are not common to other VSO languages. The analysis can be defined as diachronic for it deals with the language written over a span of many years, as assumed from studying the texts. Some words and structures, used in the beginning of the narrative, seem to decrease in frequency in the end, or vice versa. It is diachronic considering it also allows for comparison with later (colloquial) and earlier (written) constructions of the language. However, it is mostly a synchronic analysis; the patterns observed are from within the same language spoken by the same people living in the same period, more importantly from within the same work. Makhairas is thus the only broad evidence of his period, offered both as a diachronic and a synchronic linguistic testimony of his time. As no language exists in vacuo, my description of MC starts with a historical approach to the language under study; it is almost impossible to realise the problems of colloquial, literary and foreign features without being aware of the earlier history of Greek in general and of Cypriot in particular, in some of its earlier documents. I refrained as far as possible from entering the field of comparative criticism with Medieval Greek. In this way I decided to focus on discussions based exclusively on the Cypriot forms and patterns, as presented and justified by the evidence in Makhairas, and as witnessed by history which, for many centuries, has singled out Cypriot from the rest of the dialects and the Greek language itself. So, alternative views, criticism and discussion of same mechanisms of change recorded within the broader Greek language have been more or less avoided. The exposition of the MC word order patterns is based on my hypotheses that word order, as I understand it, is founded on purposes of communication and that languages with extreme flexibility of order, such as Medieval Cypriot, may adopt patterns that display rigidity of order in a number of their elements. It is within these areas of rigidity that new mechanisms of change may be detected. I also hypothesised that the same syntactic changes within languages of the same branch may be merely coincidental, and that Greek or forms of Greek may well adopt foreign elements, only (but not exclusively) if these acquire the Greek endings, or if they appear as independent affixes, as is the case with the post-medieval referential Cypriot marker �mish� which is from Turkish. Acquiring particular elements from other languages does not mean acquiring their order. However, acquiring patterns that are similar to Greek from a borrowing language which has the same patterns does not exclude syntactic borrowing. Since Modern Cypriot is V-initial, I presumed that this might have also been its order in the Middle Ages. I judge that major mechanisms of syntactic change of the same period may have been triggered by factors internal to Cypriot rather than by the more general, universal mechanisms of change. Moreover, I speculated that MC was a far more marginalised language in the Middle Ages than what history and literature have taught us. Its creative dynamism and potentiality to �juggle� between words and patterns has been its greater forte. Cypriot has not been studied as a dialect, in this work. I avoided having only a partial or a shadowed understanding of its word order patterns. Exhaustive descriptions that show its particularities in the process of completion appear with both rigidity (in some elements) and flexibility of order, and most importantly, they exhibit a long-life endurance. I have also been concerned with forms and /or patterns of Greek such as the future and other periphrastic tenses, although they are already known and have been analysed at length in Greek linguistic studies. I concentrate here on some of these from a Cypriot perspective. Cypriot has never been classified as Balkan Greek or mainland Greek. Following this study, it will be clarified further that any attempt to fit MC into a framework defined along these categorisations will be successful only in some areas of the general Greek syntax. In fact, Cypriot opens the way for a further understanding of Greek syntax with its (almost) boundless flexibility; it is through MC and the unique data of Makhairas that the study of the Greek syntax is being enriched. Areas of fine-grained classificatory criteria result in connecting some MC syntactic traits to those of Greek and accrediting to the language its own word order singularities in what can be righteously called here the Cypriot syntax. Additionally, the study aims to open new areas of investigation on diachronic syntactic issues and to initiate new and revealing answers concerning configurational syntax. To determine the syntactic traits of MC a meticulous work of counting was needed. The counting of the order of the main constituents from both the more general narrative patterns of the Chronicle as well as of those passages thought to be more immediate to the author�s living experience(s) was done manually. The primarily and more difficult task of considering, following and explaining pragmatic word order patterns in the Chronicle has been the stepping stone of this research. Earlier (and forgotten) stages of Greek, and patterns exclusive to Cypriot, assembled in a unique lexicon and with special Cypriot phrasal verbs, have provided answers to explaining the Cypriot structure. In addition to statistics, areas of language contact have also been explored, both in the morphology and in the syntax. More importantly, the extreme word order freedom of MC that illustrates word order processes based entirely on internal structural changes, aims to contribute to discussions regarding morphology and syntax versus morphosyntax. Chapter 1 provides all the background information of the history and language in Cyprus, prior to the Middle Ages. Chapter 2 deals with the description of the data and the methodology used to assess them. Chapter 3 exhibits the MC verbal forms, both finite and non-finite; it examines non-finites more closely, inasmuch as they play an important role in the change of the order of major constituents and uncover and explain the role of V-initial structures. Chapter 4 is the core chapter of this work. It displays Cypriot particularities of word order, reveals data concerned with the word order of the major constituents within the clause and unfolds explanatory accounts of them; lastly, it classifies MC as a V-initial language. Chapter 5 summarises conclusions, adds a further note on the Cypriot morphosyntactic traits while placing the results into the contemporary scholarship on VSO languages, also suggesting additional research areas into the MC patterns. The examples from Makhairas have been written in the monotonic system, where only one accent has been used; other special symbols have been eliminated or modified in the interest of making the text readable in the absence of the right font. However, Ancient Greek words appear with their appropriate accents. Abbreviation C indicates structures or words that remained unchanged in Cypriot over a long period of time, and G means a form or word accepted in both their written and spoken forms over a long period of time in Greek. A morphemic analysis of each form of the glosses has not always been given. I limited myself to glossing some elements only, for the better understanding of some examples.

This thesis investigates control infinitives and ECM-infinitives in the history of Swedish. Both constructions are non-finite, based on infinitives with or without complements, but share some properties and functions with finite subordinate clauses. Control infinitives (to-infinitives) are headed by the infinitive marker att (which in some cases may be omitted) and have invisible PRO-subjects (“controlled” by, i.e. co-referential with, the subject or object of the matrix), whereas ECM-infinitives are headed by overt subjects, distinguished by their “exceptional case marking” (ECM) from the matrix verb, and never contain the infinitive marker. According to the proposed analyses, conducted within the theoretical framework of generative grammar, control infinitives are CPs, taking the infinitive marker as a non-finite complementizer in C, but lack the TP of the I-domain, whereas ECM-infinitives have no C-layer but, nevertheless, a (sort of) TP. The historical investigation shows that control infinitives have developed more clause like properties over time. In Old Swedish (1220–1526), they only rarely contained e.g. negations or auxiliaries. It is not until the seventeenth century that these elements have come into use in the same way as in modern Swedish. This is accounted for by assuming that the control infinitive in Old Swedish was a recent innovation that did not initially make any use at all of the I-domain. The ECM-infinitives, on the other hand, are taken to have the same structure and function in Old Swedish as in Modern Swedish, as their use and properties have not changed significantly. In addition, the status of the infinitive marker has changed through the history of Swedish. Etymologically a preposition, it is here analysed as a verb phrase element in Early Old Swedish, not as a (non-finite) complementizer as in Modern Swedish. In early Modern Swedish (1526–1732), the preposition till is used in much the same function as att giving rise to two new infinitive markers: till att and till. This development of new infinitive markers is also accounted for in the thesis.

Este trabalho analisa diacronicamente o parâmetro do sujeito nulo no português do Brasil, mediante a utilização de documentação jurídica - mais especificamente, os depoimentos prestados em processos e inquéritos policiais. Defendemos que esse tipo de documentação consiste em significativa representação da língua falada para épocas pretéritas. Após, verificamos o que os dados neles contidos poderiam informar a respeito do parâmetro do sujeito nulo no português do Brasil na época em que foram produzidos, ou seja, final do século XIX e meados do século XX. Limitamo-nos ao estudo do parâmetro em questão apenas em orações subordinadas, mais especificamente no que denominamos encadeamento de subordinadas, estrutura muito comum no tipo de documento por nós estudado até hoje. Tal estrutura consiste em um grande número de orações subordinadas ligadas a uma mesma oração principal por meio do conectivo que. Por exemplo, \"a testemunhai disse que não cvi sabe quanto a autora tinha no Banco Mauá, [...]; que o que ellai ouvio dizer pelo finado Cavalheiro [...]\" Inicialmente, comparamos tais dados com aqueles contidos em estudo diacrônico clássico sobre o assunto, da autoria de Duarte (1993). Também verificamos o que poderiam nos informar se submetidos às hipóteses formuladas por Barbosa, Duarte e Kato (2005). A análise dos dados permite concluir pela existência de um comportamento esperado para o período analisado, mas ao mesmo tempo contém nuances indicativas das transformações pelas quais viria a passar o estatuto do sujeito nulo no Brasil. / This work analyzes diachronically the pro-drop parameter in Brazilian Portuguese through statements given in a court of law or during police investigation. We believe that this kind of document shows past spoken language. After concluding that these statements can really be a source of spoken language, we extracted data to guide us through the situation of the pro -drop parameter in Brazilian Portuguese, at the time the statements were taken - end of 19th century/middle of 20th century. We only studied subordinate clauses, in a structure we call subordinate clause chain, which is very common in the type of document we chose until today. It consists in many subordinate clauses connected to the same matrix clause by que [that]. E. g., \"a testemunhai disse [the witness said] que não cvi sabe quanto a autora tinha no Banco Mauá, [...]; [that she doesn\'t know how much the complainant had in Mauá Bank,...] que o que ellai ouvio dizer pelo finado Cavalheiro [...]\" [that what she heard the dead Cavalheiro say...] We compared these data with those which supported a classical study in the subject by Duarte (1993). And we also checked what they could inform us if submitted to the hypotheses created by Barbosa, Duarte and Kato (2005). We concluded that the data extracted from the corpus behave just as it was expected for that period of time, but with slight indications of the changes that would occur ahead in time in Brazil.

Este trabalho analisa diacronicamente o parâmetro do sujeito nulo no português do Brasil, mediante a utilização de documentação jurídica - mais especificamente, os depoimentos prestados em processos e inquéritos policiais. Defendemos que esse tipo de documentação consiste em significativa representação da língua falada para épocas pretéritas. Após, verificamos o que os dados neles contidos poderiam informar a respeito do parâmetro do sujeito nulo no português do Brasil na época em que foram produzidos, ou seja, final do século XIX e meados do século XX. Limitamo-nos ao estudo do parâmetro em questão apenas em orações subordinadas, mais especificamente no que denominamos encadeamento de subordinadas, estrutura muito comum no tipo de documento por nós estudado até hoje. Tal estrutura consiste em um grande número de orações subordinadas ligadas a uma mesma oração principal por meio do conectivo que. Por exemplo, \"a testemunhai disse que não cvi sabe quanto a autora tinha no Banco Mauá, [...]; que o que ellai ouvio dizer pelo finado Cavalheiro [...]\" Inicialmente, comparamos tais dados com aqueles contidos em estudo diacrônico clássico sobre o assunto, da autoria de Duarte (1993). Também verificamos o que poderiam nos informar se submetidos às hipóteses formuladas por Barbosa, Duarte e Kato (2005). A análise dos dados permite concluir pela existência de um comportamento esperado para o período analisado, mas ao mesmo tempo contém nuances indicativas das transformações pelas quais viria a passar o estatuto do sujeito nulo no Brasil. / This work analyzes diachronically the pro-drop parameter in Brazilian Portuguese through statements given in a court of law or during police investigation. We believe that this kind of document shows past spoken language. After concluding that these statements can really be a source of spoken language, we extracted data to guide us through the situation of the pro -drop parameter in Brazilian Portuguese, at the time the statements were taken - end of 19th century/middle of 20th century. We only studied subordinate clauses, in a structure we call subordinate clause chain, which is very common in the type of document we chose until today. It consists in many subordinate clauses connected to the same matrix clause by que [that]. E. g., \"a testemunhai disse [the witness said] que não cvi sabe quanto a autora tinha no Banco Mauá, [...]; [that she doesn\'t know how much the complainant had in Mauá Bank,...] que o que ellai ouvio dizer pelo finado Cavalheiro [...]\" [that what she heard the dead Cavalheiro say...] We compared these data with those which supported a classical study in the subject by Duarte (1993). And we also checked what they could inform us if submitted to the hypotheses created by Barbosa, Duarte and Kato (2005). We concluded that the data extracted from the corpus behave just as it was expected for that period of time, but with slight indications of the changes that would occur ahead in time in Brazil.