This thesis examines the formation of Appalachian studies as an academic field from roughly 1970 to 1982. First, this thesis analyses regionalism and what defines a region, focusing on the different contexts and narratives through which Appalachia has been described. Second, this thesis examines how scholars and activists in the region challenged prevailing narratives and sought new ways to examine and contextualize the region. Efforts to challenge stereotypes and address the social, political, and economic problems of the region galvanized academics and activists alike. Despite their similar work and shared vision for an interdisciplinary regional field, academics and activists often disagreed on the methodologies and goals of Appalachian studies.

Soaps operas, or daytime serials, have long been a staple of American culture. In April 2011, ABC-Disney announced the cancellation of All My Children and One Life to Live. Cancellations propelled the fans of these programs to launch efforts to save not only the shows, but the genre. Through the use of social media, websites, and traditional off-line activities that included calling and letter-writing, fans strived to make their voices heard. The study examines the creation of an online community and discourse through a textual-analysis case study of blogs on two fan activist websites. Dahlberg’s criteria for presence in an online public space and Habermas’ public sphere allows for the presentation of ideas within a group to encourage a sense of democracy in a grassroots effort to be heard against corporate interests. The case study will examine a fan website, Sudz.Tv, as a group organized in a virtual public space.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Health advocacy is a social phenomenon in which individuals and collectives attempt to raise awareness and change opinions and policies about health-related causes. Mental health advocacy is health advocacy to advance treatment, rights, and recognition of people living with a mental health condition. The Internet is reshaping how mental health advocacy is performed on a global scale, by facilitating and broadening the reach of advocacy activities, but also giving more room for opposing mental health advocacy. Another factor contributing to mental health advocacy lies in the cultural underpinnings of mental health in different societies; East Asian countries like South Korea have higher stigma attached to mental health compared to Western countries like the US. This study examines interactions about schizophrenia, a specific mental health diagnosis, on public social media (Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter) in two different languages, English and Korean, to determine how mental health advocacy and its opposition are expressed on social media. After delineation of a set of keywords for retrieval of content about schizophrenia, three months’ worth of social media posts were collected; a subset of these posts was then analyzed qualitatively using constant comparing with a proposed model describing online mental heath advocacy based on existing literature. Various expressions of light mental health advocacy, such as sharing facts about schizophrenia, and strong advocacy, showcasing offline engagement, were found in English posts; many of these expressions were however absent from the analyzed Korean posts that heavily featured jokes, insults, and criticisms. These findings were used to train machine learning classifiers to detect advocacy and counter-advocacy. The classifiers confirmed the predominance of counter-advocacy in Korean posts compared to important advocacy prevalence in English posts. These findings informed culturally sensitive recommendations for social media uses by mental health advocates and implications for international social media studies in human-computer interaction.

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As climate change becomes a pressing concern for policymakers and citizens around the world, a variety of security discourses have emerged framing the environment as a security issue. While dominant frameworks focus on securing national interests, the international order, or individuals in vulnerable positions, the ecological security framework presents a radical alternative discourse. Ecological security requires a refocusing of the security discourse onto the environment itself, vulnerable communities, and future generations, and requires the exploration of alternative forms of social and economic organization. This framework has often been discounted as an impractical and radical alternative to dominant discourses, however, in this thesis I argue that ecological security can, and is, being enacted by local communities around the world. Similarly overlooked, yet highly relevant to ecological security, is anarchist political thought and methodology. I suggest that anarchist methodology, when employed by environmental activists through direct action, can enable the enactment of ecological security by local communities. By investigating the connections and overlap between blockadia activism, anarchist methodology, and Indigenous resurgence, it is possible to envision a locally-based, bottom-up model of ecological security. Through an investigation of the conflict between Wet’suwet’en land defenders and the Coastal GasLink pipeline, this blockadia-anarchist-ecological security nexus is drawn out and examined as a possible path forward for climate security. / Graduate

At the current moment, with voter turnout low and mass popular uprisings re-fashioning the political map, questions of political participation and dissent are extremely pressing. In established democracies and newly democratized states alike, an active and potentially dissenting citizenry is often seen as the necessary balance to overreaching state power and unregulated market forces, but scholars struggle to keep abreast of a proliferation of new foci and forms of engagement. This dissertation focuses on the form of collective political engagement enacted at centri sociali occupati autogestiti (occupied, self-managed social centers) or CSOA in Bologna, Italy. As they enact political alternatives through everyday practices of self-management and cultural production, social center participants complicate conventional analytical distinctions between revolution and reform or between individual transformation and larger social change. Through participant observation at three specific centers, interviews with participants and visitors and discourse analysis of recent legislation and policy, the investigator explores the character of social center participants' cultural and political practice, internal organization and decision-making processes, and the heated conflict surrounding social centers in order to discern the opportunities afforded and tensions generated by this form of political engagement. The author argues that CSOA participants experience a form of belonging constructed on the basis of participation rather than ascribed statuses or adherence to shared ideological positions. Furthermore, participants seek to establish an autonomous space wherein key obstacles to participation have been deliberately dismantled or drained of authority in order to render this form of belonging more inclusive. In the shadow of post-9/11 securitization processes at the supra-national, national and local levels aimed at governing migrant mobility and public expressions of dissent, CSOA participants seek to displace the ethnic, religious, linguistic, generational and class-specific norms that define the cultural dimensions of contemporary Italian citizenship. Drawing on the concept of cultural citizenship, the author therefore argues that the political imaginary proposed by CSOA participants represents a deliberate contestation of both the authority and function of state-based citizenship models and can be understood as new model of citizenship characterized by an alternative, less exclusive relationship between belonging and participation.

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