This thesis investigates the sustainability of Gothenburg’s tourism development for local actors by analyzing their perceptions. Besides covering the underrepresented topic of sustainable urban tourism, this research also follows the aspect of sustainability as a holistic concept. Since Gothenburg has been praised as a sustainable destination for tourists, it is necessary to examine the effects of tourism development on the local community. For this purpose, a qualitative methodological approach was used, consisting of a review of Gothenburg’s tourism strategy and several interviews with local actors from inside and around Haga, Gothenburg. It was shown that tourism development in Haga is believed to contribute to a positive atmosphere as well as the preservation of the area’s character and local economy. Still, there is room for improvement as the direct involvement and information flow were identified as deficient. Following the results, it seems like the sustainability approach of Gothenburg’s tourism development does include the local actors. In general, high interconnectivity between tourism and urban developmentwas shown, which is a typical characteristic of urban tourism.

By some accounts, the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 (9/11) created a paradigm shift in American foreign policy whereby terrorist organizations receive a lot more attention than they did prior to 9/11, especially in terms of U.S. military intervention. Moreover, some argue that this represents a shift in international politics whereby non-state actors have more power than they did before 9/11. However, others maintain that terrorism in the post-9/11 era is indicative of continuity in international politics. They argue that despite any of the immediate consequences of using military force to respond to the 9/11 attacks, the distribution of capabilities among states in the international system has not changed from the pre-9/11 era. This thesis empirically tests the notion of continuity in international politics through a case study of U.S. military intervention and threat perception. This research analyzes how these two concepts evolve from the post-Cold War era into the post-9/11 era. To the extent that U.S. military intervention and threat perception are comparable before and after 9/11, this is indicative of continuity in international politics. Conversely, contrast across 9/11 indicates change in international politics. Though this thesis finds considerable empirical evidence supporting continuity in international politics in the post-9/11 world, it also finds empirical evidence for change which cannot be ignored. / Master of Arts

The purpose of this study is to determine if the United Nations is structured in a manner that allows for it to effectively protect its principles while meeting the challenges emerging from the increasing number of security threats carried out by violent non-state actors. The United Nations, through the strategies of collective security and sovereign equality, aspires to have its member states prevent war through the peaceful settlement of disputes. This thesis argues that, by examining the legal norms that govern the methods in which member states are authorized to use force, the foundation and principles of the United Nations are to promote collective security through the avoidance of war. The United Nations' Charter only outlines a method for how sovereign states are to handle disputes with other states. The Charter fails to establish an effective method for states to respond to violence that originates from a non-state source. States therefore have elected to respond to aggression by non-state actors in terms that are not in accordance with the United Nations' Charter. This thesis therefore argues that any member state that chooses to use force against another state, specifically due to that state being the perceived origin of violent non-state aggression, without the approval of the United Nations Security Council, is doing so illegally and undermining the integrity of the organization. Since the United Nations' Charter fails to make provisions for the use of force against violence by non-state on state actors, it would seem wise for the United Nations to update its Charter to reflect a more efficient method for states to respond to non-state aggression. Unless the United Nations modernizes to respond to this tactic and outlines a strict method for states to respond to these situations, the United Nations will grow increasingly irrelevant. The thesis is organized into four main parts. The introduction describes the legal foundation of the United Nations and argues that its integrity is based upon the concept of collective security. This examination will explore the historical growth of collective security through the successes and failures of organizations who have previously employed its principles. This section will go into detail on the main principles of the United Nations Charter, specifically when the use of force is permissible by the organization. The first chapter offers a historical examination into the growth of non-state actors and the terrorist tactics they have employed. Terrorism is a tactic that aspires to disrupt society through the threat or usage of violence. This tactic typically uses or threatens to use violence in an attempt to gain footage in political, economic, religious or social issues. This analysis will offer evidence into the effectiveness of this tactic for inflicting civilian casualties and disrupting the peace of states. The second chapter is an analysis of how the United Nations has evolved to address the global growth of terrorism. This analysis will be supported by the legal documentation that the United Nations has passed to address terrorism. The main method in which the United Nations has employed to suppress terrorism is sanctions. This section will detail cases where the United Nations has used economic sanctions as a method to punish states that support terrorism. The third chapter of this thesis will offer an in-depth analysis of instances where, despite structures that the United Nations has in place to suppress terrorism, member states have determined that their state is not adequately protected from terrorism. In turn, these states have used force against another sovereign state without a Security Council mandate. By doing this, the member states have violated United Nations articles governing the use of force and the notion of collective security. The final section of this thesis will offer recommendations on necessary changes to the United Nations Charter regarding the use of force against violence by non-state on state actors. More efficient legal framework is necessary in the United Nations Charter to allow for states to capably and legally respond to the growth of terrorism. This thesis demonstrates that the current structure of the United Nations is incapable of controlling or responding to violent non-state actors. Additionally, with the mounting number of occurrences where a member state elects to use force against another sovereign state in response to terrorism, the core principles and purpose of the United Nations are becoming moot. This thesis will conclude by exploring possible reform within the United Nations by allowing for member states to legally and effectively respond to the terrorist activities of violent non-state actors. This reform would be achieved by outlining legal action allowed by a state when attacked or threatened with an attack by a non-state actor. / Master of Arts

To this point research on firms’ political behavior has contributed knowledge concerning large firms’ relationships and strategies with political actors and their surrounding environment. Less is known about small firms’ behavior towards political organizations. As a matter of fact, the fields of international marketing, international business and corporate political science have left the political behavior of small firms almost untouched. Therefore, extant literature assumes that small firms due to their resource constraints are passive receivers of political initiatives. About 99 percent of all firms within the European Union are small firms, and it is therefore questioned whether all these firms are passive receivers of political initiatives. The intention with this thesis is to challenge some assumptions regarding how small firms manage their relationships with political actors concerning EU related rules and regulations. Consequently, the study raises the overarching research question; how do small firms manage their political environment? Theoretically, the study takes a network perspective on business political interaction to examine both individual and/or collective political behavior of small firms. It develops a theoretical view constituted of knowledge, commitment and legitimacy. Methodologically, two sequential stages are followed: first an in-depth qualitative case study of three successful cases is presented and second, the in-depth understanding is broadened to a wider population of firms based on a quantitative survey. A central contribution of this thesis is to aid research on the political behavior of small firms. It is found that small firms, in contrast to prevailing assumptions, do possess political resources. They are not passive receivers of political initiatives. Instead, the findings show that small firms are active and can exercise influence. This, however, is shown to be dependent on the firm’s political commitment, political knowledge and competency and business-political legitimacy. It is also shown that small firms mobilize these critical resources not only directly, but also indirectly through various intermediating actors. Besides the theoretical contributions, these conclusions are important not just because of the managerial implications but also, and perhaps more importantly, for the policy implications that can be drawn from the study. Being exploratory and opening up the black box of small firm’s political behavior, the thesis ends with a number of future research directions.

Post-war countries are among the most difficult policy arenas for international and domestic actors. The challenge is not only to stop violence and prevent violence from rekindling, but moreover to help countries reset their internal relations on a peaceful path. The indirect, long-term effects of wars further exaggerate this challenge. Many of these relate to political and social aspects of post-war countries. Lasting impressions of human rights abuses committed during wars continue to shape the relations among members of societies for decades to come. Both, socio-economic impacts and political impacts challenge the stability of post-war countries for many years. The challenges to public health have been found to be especially severe and affect disproportionately the civilian population of post-war countries. Environmental and climate change exposes post-war populations further to new risks, exaggerating the human costs of war long after active combat has ceased. These challenges are not new. The problem, however, is that in practice all these elements are simultaneously happening in today’s peacebuilding interventions. Yet, practitioners as well as researchers remain settled in a silo mentality, focusing only on one aspect at a time. As such they are unaware of the unintended consequences that their focus has on other important processes. The four essays that lie at the heart of this dissertation provide new insight into the linkages between the social, political and ecological processes in post-war societies and how the interactions of different groups of actors are shaping the prospects for peace. The argument drawn out in this dissertation is that to build peace we need to acknowledge and understand this long-term interplay of social, political, and ecological processes in post-war countries. It will be crucial to understand the potential and dynamics of natural resources and environmental issues in this context. As the essays in this dissertation show, the interactions of these processes divisively shape the post-war landscape. It is therefore essential to build a peace that is ecologically sensitive, while equally socially and politically relevant and desirable. I call this sustainable peace.

To this point research on firms’ political behavior has contributed knowledge concerning large firms’ relationships and strategies with political actors and their surrounding environment. Less is known about small firms’ behavior towards political organizations. As a matter of fact, the fields of international marketing, international business and corporate political science have left the political behavior of small firms almost untouched. Therefore, extant literature assumes that small firms due to their resource constraints are passive receivers of political initiatives. About 99 percent of all firms within the European Union are small firms, and it is therefore questioned whether all these firms are passive receivers of political initiatives. The intention with this thesis is to challenge some assumptions regarding how small firms manage their relationships with political actors concerning EU related rules and regulations. Consequently, the study raises the overarching research question; how do small firms manage their political environment? Theoretically, the study takes a network perspective on business political interaction to examine both individual and/or collective political behavior of small firms. It develops a theoretical view constituted of knowledge, commitment and legitimacy. Methodologically, two sequential stages are followed: first an in-depth qualitative case study of three successful cases is presented and second, the in-depth understanding is broadened to a wider population of firms based on a quantitative survey. A central contribution of this thesis is to aid research on the political behavior of small firms. It is found that small firms, in contrast to prevailing assumptions, do possess political resources. They are not passive receivers of political initiatives. Instead, the findings show that small firms are active and can exercise influence. This, however, is shown to be dependent on the firm’s political commitment, political knowledge and competency and business-political legitimacy. It is also shown that small firms mobilize these critical resources not only directly, but also indirectly through various intermediating actors. Besides the theoretical contributions, these conclusions are important not just because of the managerial implications but also, and perhaps more importantly, for the policy implications that can be drawn from the study. Being exploratory and opening up the black box of small firm’s political behavior, the thesis ends with a number of future research directions.

Thesis (M. Phil.)--University of Hong Kong, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 294-302).

Psychobiographers study the lives of extraordinary, prominent, and enigmatic individuals. Psychobiographical research advances our insight into the uniqueness and complexity of the human personality and therefore makes a substantial contribution towards one of the major objectives of the field of psychology. Purposive sampling was employed to select Charlize Theron as the subject of this psychobiographical study. As the only South African who has won an Oscar, Theron is an exceptional individual who demonstrates tenacity and a will to succeed despite significant traumatic events in her childhood. The case study data was organised and analysed according to the general analytic approach developed by Huberman and Miles (2002) and one of Alexander’s (1990) strategies, namely questioning the data. Erikson’s psychosocial theory (1950, 1963, 1995) was selected to guide this study because it recognises the impact of socio-cultural influences on developmental processes and provides a comprehensive, staged framework for studying Theron’s personality development. This study contributes to the development of psychobiographical research in South Africa.

Esta pesquisa aborda a influência de métodos e técnicas da interpretação do ator no contexto do cinema brasileiro moderno, quando o trabalho, o estilo e os métodos de interpretação do Teatro de Arena encontraram seu desdobramento no estilo de interpretação de atores, em filmes precursores e clássicos do Cinema Novo. Para isso vamos identificar quais as influências técnicas desta interpretação, como o sistema de Stanislavski, o método do Actors Studio, o efeito de distanciamento de Bertold Brecht. Na análise de cenas e sequências de filmes focalizo no trabalho dos atores a interação com a estética, a câmera e a montagem, para a compreensão destas influências. Assim analiso o desempenho de Gianfrancesco Guarnieri no filme O Grande Momento de Roberto Santos, 1958; Nélson Xavier no filme Os Fuzis de Ruy Guerra, 1963; Paulo José em O Padre e a Moça de Joaquim Pedro de Andrade, 1965; Othon Bastos no filme Deus e o Diabo na Terra do Sol de Glauber Rocha, 1963, único não-representante do Teatro de Arena, mas que consolidou sua carreira de teatro na Bahia e mais tarde no Grupo de Teatro Oficina em São Paulo. Estes atores fazem parte do florescimento de uma nova abordagem de interpretação teatral, influenciados pelo estudo das técnicas e na ênfase em retratar o homem brasileiro deste momento sociopolítico e cultural. Os cineastas do Cinema Novo, que buscavam estéticas alternativas e novas formas de diálogo com a realidade brasileira, vão encontrar nestes intérpretes as parcerias para a realização de seus filmes. Sendo assim, esta pesquisa busca um aporte original à questão, e parte da experiência do teatro para fazer a análise do trabalho do ator brasileiro no cinema, levando em conta as diferenças de técnica e de condições do trabalho, mas pensando tais diferenças como o lugar de um mútuo aprendizado que evidencia muito bem tudo o quanto há de comum entre o teatro e o cinema. / This study addresses the influence of acting methods and interpretation techniques in the context of modern Brazilian cinema, when the work, style and interpretation methods of the Teatro de Arena were prominent in the styles of actors\' interpretations in the classic Cinema Novo films and their precursors. The technical influences of interpretation will be identified, such as Stanislavksi\'s system, the Actors Studio method, and Bertold Brecht\'s estrangement effect. In the analysis of film scenes and sequences, I focus on the actors and their interaction with the esthetics, the camera, and the set, to better understand these influences. Thus, I analyze the performance of Gianfrancesco Guarnieri in Roberto Santos\' 1958 film The Grand Moment; Nélson Xavier in Ruy Guerra\'s 1963 film The Guns; Paulo José in Joaquim Pedro de Andrade\'s 1965 film The Priest and the Girl; and Othon Bastos in Glauber Rocha\'s 1963 film Black God, White Devil. Othon Bastos, the only actor not representative of the Teatro de Arena, spent his formative theatrical years in the state of Bahia and later in the Grupo de Teatro Oficina in the city of São Paulo. These actors represent the flourishing of a new approach to theatrical interpretation, influenced by the study of techniques and by the emphasis on portraying Brazilians in their social, political and cultural context. The Cinema Novo filmmakers, seeking alternative esthetics and new ways to engage the Brazilian reality, find in these actors the partners they need to make their works. Thus, this study seeks to make an original contribution to the question, analyzing the work of Brazilian actors in cinema based on experience in the theater, taking into account the differences in technique and working conditions, but thinking of these differences as providing space for mutual learning, clearly demonstrating the extent of commonalities between theatre and cinema.

Tam Wai Wan Vivian. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 231-233). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Chapter 1 --- Orientation to Domestication --- p.1 / Chapter ´Ø --- Literature Review and Methodology --- p.6 / Chapter ´Ø --- "Popular Culture, Cultural Identity and Discourse" --- p.7 / Chapter ´Ø --- Textual Analysis and Interview --- p.13 / Chapter ´Ø --- "Ideology, Discourses and Domestication" --- p.19 / Chapter 2 --- Introduction to the Four Discourses --- p.40 / Chapter 3 --- Chow Yun-fat's Subversive Past --- p.46 / Chapter 4 --- Domesticating Chow on TV Ads --- p.62 / Chapter 5 --- Taming Chow Yun-fat on Paper --- p.83 / Chapter 6 --- Overview to Reception Analysis --- p.105 / Chapter 7 --- Newfound Pride in Chow Yun-fat --- p.114 / Chapter ´Ø --- Upper-middle Class' Actualizing Actor --- p.114 / Chapter ´Ø --- Small Business Owners' Actor of Class --- p.127 / Chapter 8 --- Colonization or Rejuvenation of the Grassroot Chow Yun-fat --- p.141 / Chapter ´Ø --- Colonizing the Secure Working Class --- p.151 / Chapter ´Ø --- Revitalized Admiration by the Cultured Middle Class --- p.158 / Chapter 9 --- Disenchantment and Alienation of the Insecure Working Class 一 A Chow Yun-fat beyond Survival --- p.168 / Chapter 10 --- Conclusion --- p.192 / Appendix 1: Sample of Interview Questions --- p.197 / Appendix 2: Selected Frames and Shot-by-shot Analysis of Chow Yun-fat Advertisements --- p.198 / Appendix 3: Chow Yun-fat's Filmography --- p.229 / Bibliography --- p.231