Considerando que a Constituição Federal de 1988, além de legar uma série de inovações no plano político, econômico e social, representa um marco entre os processos de crise e de retomada do planejamento regional no país, o objetivo desta pesquisa foi analisar criticamente o planejamento regional brasileiro pós-Constituição Federal de 1988, buscando identificar e caracterizar mudanças de paradigmas de natureza política, administrativa e econômica imbricados nesse processo, tendo como parâmetro a comparação com o período precedente (século XX). Foram analisadas as três dimensões que compõem as políticas públicas, segundo a metodologia da Policy Analysis: a estrutura institucional (polity), o processo político que envolve a formulação, a implementação e a execução de políticas públicas (politics) e o conteúdo concreto das decisões políticas (policy), como o arcabouço legislativo e os planos e programas governamentais. No âmbito da polity foram identificadas e caracterizadas as instituições ligadas ao planejamento regional na esfera da Administração Pública Federal, especialmente Ministérios, Secretarias e autarquias, a saber, o Ministério da Integração Nacional, a Sudam, a Sudene, a Sudeco, a Sudesul, o Dnocs e a Codevasf, bem como suas antecessoras. A partir do exame das constantes criações, extinções, fusões e desmembramentos de instituições, bem como alterações nas suas atribuições, estrutura interna, e posição ocupada na Administração Pública, ponderamos a importância que o planejamento regional adquiriu em cada momento de sua história no país. No tocante à politics, foram identificados os principais atores políticos que participaram do processo de formulação das políticas regionais analisadas na pesquisa, bem como uma breve caracterização dos principais estilos políticos vigentes e seus diferentes contextos históricos. Buscamos problematizar a participação dos diversos atores no processo de formulação das políticas regionais, abordando a questão do peso relativo entre decisões técnicas e políticas no âmbito das políticas e planos examinados. No que se refere à policy, apresenta-se, de forma sucinta, as principais características das políticas regionais nos períodos anterior e posterior à Constituição Federal de 1988, especialmente os Polos de Desenvolvimento, os Eixos Nacionais de Integração e de Desenvolvimento (Enids), as Mesorregiões Diferenciadas e a Política Nacional de Desenvolvimento Regional (PNDR), com destaque para esta última. À luz da Geografia, acrescentamos uma quarta dimensão na análise das políticas públicas, a territorial. Com base no exame das dimensões polity, politics, policy e da dimensão territorial do planejamento regional, apresentamos uma análise comparativa entre o período anterior e posterior à Constituição Federal de 1988, identificando e caracterizando os principais paradigmas norteadores do planejamento regional brasileiro, especialmente, no período recente, assinalando a forma como eles são absorvidos pelas políticas regionais e indicando os principais rebatimentos territoriais dessas políticas. Por conseguinte, no contexto de emergência da PNDR, considerada como o marco recente mais importante das políticas regionais no país, concluímos que o planejamento regional está em meio à processos simultâneos de retomada, de ressignificação e de inovação, uma vez que busca revestir-se de novos paradigmas, embora sem destituir-se completamente dos anteriores, o que acaba por lhe conferir um novo conjunto de atributos. Por fim, apresentamos uma apreciação crítica acerca dos limites e desafios do planejamento regional brasileiro na atualidade. / Considering that Brazilian Constitution of 1988, besides a number of innovations in the political, economic and social terms, it represents a milestone for the processes of crisis and resumption of regional planning in that country. The objective of this research was to critically assess the regional planning after the Brazilian Constitution of 1988, seeking to identify and characterize changes in paradigms of political, administrative and economic nature intertwined in this process, establishing the parameter of comparison with the previous period (twentieth century). The three dimensions that comprise public policies were analyzed according to the methodology of Policy Analysis: the institutional structure (polity), the political process that involves the formulation, implement and execution of public policy (politics) and the actual content of decisions policies (policy); and the legislative framework and the plans and programs from government. Within the polity, the institutions related to regional planning were identified and characterized in the sphere of the federal government, especially Ministries, Departments and authorities, namely the Ministry of National Integration, the Sudam, the Sudene, the Sudeco, the Sudesul , the Dnocs and the Codevasf, as well as its predecessors. From the examination of the recurrent creations, extinctions, mergers and spinoffs of institutions, as well as changes in their assignments, internal structure, and the position placed in Public Administration, we ponder the importance of regional planning acquired at each moment of its history in the Brazilian country. In relation to politics, the main political actors who participated in the formulation of regional policies, analyzed in this research process, as well as a brief description of the main current political styles and their different historical contexts, were identified. We seek to problematize the participation of various actors in the formulation of regional policy process, addressing the question of the relative importance between technical decisions and policy, considering the examined policies and plans. With regard to policy, it is presented here succinctly, the main features of regional policies in the earlier and later periods of 1988 Brazilian Constitution, especially the Poles of Development, the National Integration and Development Axes (Enids), Differentiated Meso-regions and the National Policy for Regional Development (PNDR), with an emphasis on the latter. In light of Geography, we added a fourth dimension in the analysis of public policies: the territorial. Based on the examination of the dimensions polity, politics, policy and the territorial dimension of regional planning, we present a comparative analysis between the anterior and posterior periods of the Brazilian Constitution of 1988, identifying and characterizing the main guiding paradigms of Brazilian regional planning, especially in recent period, noting how they are absorbed by regional policies and indicating the key territorial repercussions of these policies. Therefore, in the context of the emergence of PNDR, considered as the most important recent milestone of regional policies in the Brazilian country, we conclude that regional planning is through the simultaneous processes of recovery, of reframing and innovation, as it seeks putting on new paradigms, although without completely dismiss the preceding. This ultimately gives you a new set of attributes. Finally, we present a critique of the limits and challenges of the Brazilian regional planning consideration nowadays.

L'état de Sonora se situe au nord-ouest du Mexique. S'étalant sur 184 934 km2 c'est le deuxième plus grand état du pays de par sa superficie. Sa condition d'état frontalier du nord du Mexique, ainsi que son accès au golfe de Californie lui confère une place unique au niveau géostratégique et géopolitique dans le continent américain. Les particularités géographiques, historiques et économiques de la région de Sonora, éloigné du Centre du pays, rendent nécessaires une analyse du rôle des acteurs locaux et fédéraux dans l'évolution de la dynamique urbaine et industrielle. La présence, dans l'état de Sonora, de zones désertiques associée à des ressources hydrauliques limitées imposent donc la nécessité d'un regard croisé pour comprendre les particularités de l'aménagement de son territoire. Depuis la fin du XXème siècle et la signature du traité de libre-échange nord-américain (ALENA), les acteurs de la région s'emploient à faire de Sonora une région dynamique et prête pour les défis engendrés par la mondialisation. / The state of Sonora is located in northwest of Mexico. Spread over 184,934 square kilometers, it is the second largest state in the country. Its border state condition in the northwestern Mexico and its access to the Gulf of Ca|ifornia,gives Sonora an important geostrategic position in the American continent. The geographical, historical and economic characteristics of the region of Sonora, distant from the center of the country, imply to measure and understand the role of the local and federal actors in the evolution of urban and industrial dynamics. The presence of desert areas associated with limited water resources impose the need for an original and sustainable approach and allows to understand the peculiarities of the development of this territory. Since the late twentieth century and the signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the different actors are working to build a dynamic region, able to face the challenges posed by globalization.

In this thesis I analyse the dynamics of youth, race and rurality by considering the life experiences of young people in relation to race and racism through a small –scale study I have conducted over eight months. The study also investigates the aspirations of eight black and minority ethnic young people living in the Scottish Highlands. The study found that young people’s experiences of racism and racial microaggressions were exacerbated by a ‘conspiracy of silence’ in which institutional actors such as service providers, who are there to support and encourage young people, have knowingly, or inadvertently, contributed to undermining, marginalising and excluding black and minority ethnic young people through misunderstanding or misrecognition of experiences of racialisation in rural areas. I observed how these minority young people engaged in strategies of resistance and resilience as a prevalent response when negotiating racist experiences and racial microaggressions. It was further evident that the deficient practices of institutional actors, such as teachers, youth workers and most service providers play a tangible role in perpetuating racism and racial discrimination in the Highlands. The study recommends that to reduce bias and discrimination against black and minority ethnic pupils requires a range of strategies ranging from enhancing teacher confidence in teaching and addressing different forms of racism, a need for teachers to have training on anti-racist education and pedagogical approaches, recruitment of black and minority ethnic practitioners for different service provision, recognition and promotion of the benefits of multilingualism and opportunities for white majority pupils to have greater exposure to diversity in rural Scotland.

Do terrorist organisations have an effect on the sustainability of peace agreements? In this paper, I investigate the potential consequences of including armed non-state actors in peace agreements. Specifically, I focus on the most controversial type of actor: terrorist organisations and how they affect the sustainability of peace agreements. I utilise a unique dataset covering all intrastate peace agreements and designated terrorist organisations between 1998 – 2011, and employ a survival analysis through a cox proportional hazard model. I find strong evidence suggesting that the presence of terrorist organisations – both in conflicts and in peace agreements – have a significantly destabilising effect on the sustainability of peace agreements. I also find evidence which suggest that more complex power sharing arrangements could be a viable option to combat the destabilising effect of terrorist actors, although this effect might not be as strong in peace process agreements.

Este trabalho analisa as relações entre a política externa de direitos humanos do México durante os governos Salinas, Zedillo e Fox (1988-2006) e o processo de democratização que avançava nesse mesmo período no país, explorando o impacto da transição política sobre as mudanças que ocorreram na política externa mexicana de direitos humanos. Nossa hipótese é a de que o impacto do processo de democratização na política externa de direitos humanos do México tem dois momentos e lógicas distintos. O primeiro momento pode ser descrito pela literatura do modelo bumerangue-espiral com considerações teóricas da perspectiva de oportunidades política e corresponde aos governos Salinas e Zedillo. Já o segundo momento, equivalente ao governo Fox, pode ser explicado pela tese do lock-in. Durante os governos Salinas e Zedillo, a consolidação do processo de democratização do país, em marcha pelo menos desde a reforma eleitoral de 1977, criou uma estrutura de oportunidades políticas mais favorável que contribuiu para a emergência e proliferação de ONGs mexicanas de direitos humanos. Essas ONGs locais se uniriam, depois, à rede transnacional de ativismo em direitos humanos para pressionarem o governo mexicano em temas de direitos humanos ao longo da década de 1990. Os governos mexicanos, em resposta, começaram a alterar importantes características da política externa tradicional mexicana para tentar evitar custos de imagem e a pressão internacional. Por fim, o segundo momento analisado neste trabalho corresponde ao período do governo Fox, quando as mudanças na política externa mexicana de direitos humanos não foram resultado da pressão exercida pela rede transnacional de ativistas, como é descrito pelos modelos bumerangue e espiral. As mudanças foram iniciadas endogenamente no governo, que buscava ancorar a nova situação democrática do México no exterior por meio de compromissos internacionais de direitos humanos. Buscava-se, ademais, assegurar e convencer as audiências internacionais sobre a credibilidade dessa nova postura do Estado mexicano com relação às reformas democráticas e os direitos humanos. / This dissertation analyzes the links between Mexicos human rights foreign policy during Salinas, Zedillos and Foxs governments (1988-2006) and the democratization process that was also occurring in this same period, exploring the impact of the political transition on the changes that occurred in Mexican human rights foreign policy. Our hypothesis is that the impact of the democratization process on Mexican human rights foreign policy has two distinct moments and rationales: first, one that is described by the boomerang-spiral model literature with theoretical insights of the political opportunity perspective and equivalent to Salinas and Zedillos years in government; second, one that is explained by the lock-in thesis for Foxs government. During Salinas and Zedillos years, the consolidation of the democratization process that had been in motion at least since 1977 created a more favorable political opportunity structure that helped to increase the number of Mexican human rights NGOs; these NGOs joined later a transnational human rights advocacy network and together they pressed the Mexican government for themes concerning human rights. In response, Mexican administrations started to change important features of Mexicos traditional foreign policy to avoid image costs and pressure. Finally, the second moment analyzed in this dissertation comprises the years of Foxs government. Here the changes in the human rights foreign policy were not the result of the pressure exercised by the transnational human rights network of activists as described by the boomerang and spiral models. They were initiated endogenously in the government, which expected to lock in Mexicos new democratic situation with international commitments and to assure international audiences of the credibility of its commitments to democratic reforms and human rights.

Peut-on parler de décentralisation sans faire le rapprochement avec les questions de développement ? Au Sud comme au Nord, les opinions s'accordent sur le choix des mesures de décentralisations, dans la mise en œuvre des stratégies participatives de développement. S'inscrivant dans une réflexion sur la « bonne gouvernance », la décentralisation prône un nouveau type de développement, mettant en évidence la relation entre gouvernance et gestion des ressources locales d'une société. L'implication des entités territoriales de base aux prises de décisions participe à la (re)construction du développement local. La décentralisation peut-elle servir la dynamique de développement au niveau local ? En dépit des espoirs suscités par la décentralisation, des insuffisances dans sa mise en œuvre sont susceptibles d'influer sur les objectifs de développement. L'exemple de la commune rurale de Guidimouni évoque une situation où la décentralisation piétine encore, du fait notamment du manque d'implication des acteurs locaux, mais aussi de l'absence d'un espace public propice à l'harmonisation des initiatives de développement. Décentralisation et développement sont deux processus complexe, intégrant de multiples variables (économiques, sociales, politiques, culturelles, spatiales, etc.). L'articulation avec le contexte local dans lequel ils sont censés intervenir, révèle les limites des politiques publiques, particulièrement en milieu rural / Can we talk about decentralization without making the connection to development questions? In the South as in the North, opinions agree on the choice of decentralization measures, in the implementation of development participative strategies. Joining a reflection on the " good governance ", decentralization advocates a new type of development, bringing to light the relation between the governance and the management of a society's local resources. Territorial basic entities implication in decision-making participates in the local development (re) construction. Is decentralization useful at a local level in the development process? In spite of the hopes brought by decentralization, incapacities in its implementation may influence development objectives. The example of the rural district of Guidimouni evokes a situation where decentralization still stalls, in particular, because of the local actors' lack of implication, but also because of a public place absence, convenient to the harmonising of initiatives for development. Decentralization and development are two complex processes, integrating several variables (economic, social, political, cultural, spatial, etc.). The coherence with the local context in which they are supposed to intervene reveals the public politics limits, particularly in rural areas

This dissertation examines the problems associated with the restrictive interpretation of Article 2(4) of the Charter of the United Nations (hereinafter referred to as UN Charter) to the threat or use of force. This restrictive approach appears no longer helpful in furthering the maintenance of international peace and security. Equally, it does not adequately protect the entire territory of States for the following two reasons. Firstly, the UN member States shelter in the first limb of Article 2(4) to engage in conducts that violate the territory of other States while claiming subservience to the provision of Article 2(4). This occurs through mere frontier incidents, covert and overt support of the activities of the non-State actors. However, the State practice shows that such conducts are always resisted by the victim State no matter how insignificant the breach might be. Secondly, the UN member States have asserted their jurisdiction in cyberspace by adopting appropriate legislation to regulate the cyberspace activities and to curb cybercrimes. To legislate is an exercise of the sovereign power which is by nature, territorial. Thus, it is difficult to equate the non-kinetic character of the cyberspace activities to physical armed attack if Article 2(4) were narrowly construed. Because of these developments, this dissertation advocates for a broad interpretation of Article 2(4), which is respect for the inviolability of State territory. The fact that State practice is repugnant to mere frontier incidents indicates that the restrictive approach is unacceptable. Moreover, Article 2(7) of the UN Charter which prohibits intervention in the internal affairs of a State supports a broad approach. This dissertation adds to the scholarly debate as to whether Article 2(4) applies in cyberspace. It answers in the affirmative if the international community accepts the broad interpretation it proposes. Otherwise, the answer would be negative given the non-kinetic nature of the cyberspace activities.

The aim of this study is to analyze the functional beverage NOCCO’s Instagram account. The purpose is to expose how they use discourses of health and fitness in their marketing. In particular we analyze the social actors in the pictures. The theories in this study is based on a social semiotic theory of communication and an assumption that we live in The new public health era. The method applied is a qualitative multimodal critical discourse analysis (MCDA). The study examines how the social actors are used for marketing purposes, how they are represented in the pictures and in which settings they are placed in. The results shows that NOCCO uses discourses of health and exercise in their marketing on Instagram. NOCCO appears as a healthy product due to its association with exercise and fit social actors.

The thesis Att vara eller inte vara på rätt plats – Om statushierarkier bland skådespelare is a qualitative study, conducted by me, Therése Jirek, with the purpose of investigating the status hierarchies between actors educated at the public Swedish theater universities and actors educated at private/non public/other theater schools. The study also investigates how the hierarchies affect the work, social relations and dynamics between the actors. The study also looks at the professional pride and identity in relation to this.  The information was gathered using semi-structured interviews with six Swedish actors of different age groups and with different educational backgrounds. The theoretical framework with which the information was interpreted is the theories of the field and habitus by Pierre Bourdieu. The results and analysis are presented in three different parts (chapters): Part 1 – about production and reproduction of status, part 2 – about practices that preserve status and part 3 – about professional pride and identity. The study shows that the actors status is determined for the most part by his or her educational background and if and where he or she works. The status preserving practices are largely performed through silent agreements and self-regulatory behavior. The professional title is characterized by a strong sense of pride and is often rooted deep in the personal identity. / Uppsatsen Att vara eller inte vara på rätt plats – Om statushierarkier bland skådespelare är en kvalitativ studie utförd av mig, Therése Jirek, med syfte att undersöka de statusmässiga hierarkierna mellan skådespelare utbildade inom statlig svensk scenkonstutbildning, och skådespelare utbildade inom privat/ickestatlig/annan scenkonstutbildning. I studien undersöks också hur hierarkierna påverkar yrkesutövandet, de sociala relationerna och dynamiken kollegorna emellan. Vidare berör studien även skådespelarnas yrkesstolthet och identitet i relation till ovanstående. Informationen insamlades med hjälp av semistrukturerade intervjuer med sex svenska skådespelare i olika åldrar och med skiftande utbildningsbakgrund. Det teoretiska ramverk med hjälp av vilket resultaten har tolkats är Pierre Bourdieus teorier om fältet och habitus. Resultaten och analysen redovisas i tre olika delkapitel baserat på forskningssyftet: Del 1 – om produktion och reproduktion av status, del 2 – om statusbevarande praktiker och del 3 – om yrkesstolthet och identitet. Studien visar att skådespelarens status i största mån avgörs av huruvida hen har utbildats vid någon av teaterhögskolorna eller ej, samt om och vid vilken teater hen arbetar. De statusbevarande praktikerna sker till stor del genom tysta överenskommelser och självreglerande beteenden. Yrkestiteln är förknippad med en en stark yrkesstolthet och har ofta en solid förankring i den egna identiteten.

Iu, Yiu. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 163-173). / Abstracts in English and Chinese ; questionnaires also in Chinese. / Abstracts --- p.i / Acknowledgements --- p.iii / Table of Contents --- p.iv / Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter A. --- Objectives and Significance --- p.1 / Chapter B. --- Academic Issues and Literature Review --- p.4 / Chapter C. --- Theories and Methodologies --- p.18 / Chapter D. --- Structure of the Thesis --- p.20 / Chapter Part I: --- The Making of a Seiyu Culture in Japan / Chapter Chapter 1: --- What is Seiyu? --- p.24 / Chapter 1.1 --- Definition of Seiyu --- p.24 / Chapter 1.2 --- Scope of Works --- p.27 / Chapter 1.3 --- Training Institutions and Agencies --- p.32 / Chapter Chapter 2: --- The Historical Development of the Seiyu Profession in Japan --- p.38 / Chapter Part II: --- Cultural and Social Significance of Seiyu Culture / Chapter Chapter 3: --- Seiyu as Art and Industry --- p.56 / Chapter 3.1 --- Internal Factors --- p.58 / Chapter 3.2 --- External Factors --- p.64 / Chapter Chapter 4: --- Cultural and Social Impact of the Seiyu Culture --- p.78 / Chapter 4.1 --- Cultural Impact --- p.78 / Chapter 4.2 --- Social Impact --- p.92 / Chapter Part III: --- Comparative Study on Japanese Seiyu and Hong Kong Voice Artists / Chapter Chapter 5: --- The Popularization of the Japanese Seiyu and Local Voice Artists in Hong Kong --- p.101 / Chapter 5.1 --- Japanese Seiyu Steal the Limelight in Hong Kong --- p.102 / Chapter 5.2 --- Hong Kong Voice Artists Move out from the Backstage --- p.112 / Chapter 5.3 --- The Comparison of the Reception of Japanese Seiyu with That of Local Voice Artists in Hong Kong --- p.117 / Chapter Chapter 6: --- Comparison of the Dubbing Profession between Japan and Hong Kong --- p.123 / Chapter 6.1 --- Structural Differences in Dubbing Profession --- p.126 / Chapter 6.2 --- The Role of Voice Dubbing in Popular Culture --- p.135 / Concluding Analysis --- p.147 / References --- p.163 / Appendix --- p.174 / Chapter I) --- Questionnaire of Seiyu Culture in Hong Kong --- p.174 / Chapter II) --- Sample Interview Questions for Seiyu Fans --- p.177 / Chapter III) --- Sample Interview Questions for Voice Artists --- p.178