This thesis proposes that there are two kinds of clauses: indexical clauses, which are evaluated with respect to the speech situation; and anaphoric clauses, which are evaluated with respect to a contextually-given (anaphoric) situation. Empirical motivation for this claim comes from the clause-typing system of Plains Cree, an Algonquian language spoken on the Canadian plains, which morpho-syntactically distinguishes between two types of clauses traditionally called INDEPENDENT and CONJUNCT orders. In the current analysis, the INDEPENDENT order instantiates indexical clauses, and the CONJUNCT order instantiates anaphoric clauses. After laying out the proposal (chapter 1) and establishing the morphosyntax of Plains Cree CPs (chapter 2), the remaining chapters discuss the proposal in detail. Chapter 3 focusses on the syntax and semantics of indexical clauses (Plains Cree’s INDEPENDENT order). Syntactically, I show that there is an anti-c-command and an anti-precedence condition on indexical clauses. Semantically, I show that indexical clauses are always and only evaluated with respect to the speech situation, including the speech time (temporal anchoring), speech place (spatial anchoring), and speaker (referential anchoring). Chapter 4 focusses on the syntax and semantics of anaphoric clauses (Plains Cree’s CONJUNCT order). Syntactically, I show that anaphoric clauses must always be either preceded or dominated by some other antecedent clause. Semantically, I show that the value of temporal/spatial/referential dependent elements within an anaphoric clause is determined by an antecedent. Chapter 5 turns to the syntactic subclassification of Plains Cree’s CONJUNCT (i.e., anaphoric) clauses. I propose that there are three classes: chained clauses, adjunct clauses, and mediated argument clauses. I provide two kinds of diagnostics that distinguish these classes, and explore the consequences of this classification for argument clauses and complementation. Finally, Chapter 6 proposes a semantic subclassification of Plains Cree’s CONJUNCT (i.e., anaphoric) clauses. I propose that there is a direct mapping between the morphology and the semantics: one complementizer encodes presupposition of the proposition, the lack of a complementizer encodes a-veridicality of the proposition, and one complementizer is semantically unspecified (the elsewhere case). This means that Plains Cree’s clause-typing is fundamentally concerned with how the truth of the proposition is represented.

Ojibwe is a member of the Algonquian language family. These languages are known for their complex verbal morphology. This makes Ojibwe an excellent case study for testing theoretical concepts. In this thesis, I examine the syntax and semantics of the Ojibwe verbal domain, drawing on three theoretical frameworks, the Minimalist Program (Chomsky, 1993; 1998), Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz, 1993; Embick & Noyer, 2007), and Neo-Davidsonian Semantics (Heim & Kratzer, 1998; Kratzer, 2015). I begin my analysis by looking at the composition of vP. I show that Ojibwe verb phrases may contain multiple vPs. Following a Distributed Morphology account (Halle & Marantz, 1993; Embick & Noyer, 2007), this structure must be built in the syntax; at all stages in the derivation, if the verb stem has at least one vP, it may be used as a fully-formed verb. Further, I discuss the semantics of categorising v in Ojibwe, and provide sample denotations for different types of v. Ojibwe verbal agreement morphology is complex and a number of previous accounts have been proposed (Bruening, 2005; Béjar & Rezac, 2009; Lochbihler, 2012; Oxford, 2013). I demonstrate that these previous proposals run into difficulty with multiple vP structures. Oxford (2013) comes closest, and I build on his proposal to account for Ojibwe verbal agreement. I argue that Voice (Kratzer, 1996) is the phase edge, and verbal agreement occurs on a head above this. Agree happens simultaneously with both arguments, and a portmanteau morpheme (the theme sign) results. Only the argument in the highest spec-v can agree with the theme sign. As a result, applicatives show agreement with the Goal rather than the Theme. I discuss two other agreement suffixes and argue that they are the result of a post-syntactic fission operation (Embick & Noyer, 2007, p. 314). Finally, I examine the semantics of agreement. While much has been written on the syntax of agreement in Ojibwe, the semantics has been left relatively unstudied. I show that the theme sign puts constraints on argument structure based on the saliency of arguments to the discourse. My proposal assumes speech act participants are always more salient than non-participants, and that obviation modifies a third person argument to mark it as less salient. I propose that instead of referring only to semantic roles, the denotation of the theme signs refer to bundles of syntactic features. In this way, the theme sign will impose conditions on the two highest DPs in a sentence, regardless of their semantic role. This allows the same denotation to target the Theme in monotransitive sentences, and the Goal in applicative sentences. Thus, I provide both syntactic and semantic analyses of agreement in Ojibwe.

This thesis considers the reference system of Plains Cree, an Algonquian language spoken in Canada. I argue that the referential system of this language can be understood as coding distinctions in extentionality; it distinguishes between referents that possess perspectives (‘intentional’) and referents that do not (‘extentional’). With respect to perspectival possession, Plains Cree distinguishes four referential classes: (i) inherently extentional “Inanimate” referents, (ii) contextually extentional “Obviative” referents, (iii) contextually intentional “Proximate” referents, and (iv) unspecified “Animate” referents. I then show that the referential class “Obviative” is decompositional; it is constructed out of components that code referential dependency, which is the confluence of structural ordering and perspectival embedding. Finally, I consider the methodological issues raised by the study of referential types, showing how different data-collection methods interact with the semantics of perspectival possession. / Arts, Faculty of / Linguistics, Department of / Graduate

This thesis proposes that there are two kinds of clauses: indexical clauses, which are evaluated with respect to the speech situation; and anaphoric clauses, which are evaluated with respect to a contextually-given (anaphoric) situation. Empirical motivation for this claim comes from the clause-typing system of Plains Cree, an Algonquian language spoken on the Canadian plains, which morpho-syntactically distinguishes between two types of clauses traditionally called INDEPENDENT and CONJUNCT orders. In the current analysis, the INDEPENDENT order instantiates indexical clauses, and the CONJUNCT order instantiates anaphoric clauses. After laying out the proposal (chapter 1) and establishing the morphosyntax of Plains Cree CPs (chapter 2), the remaining chapters discuss the proposal in detail. Chapter 3 focusses on the syntax and semantics of indexical clauses (Plains Cree’s INDEPENDENT order). Syntactically, I show that there is an anti-c-command and an anti-precedence condition on indexical clauses. Semantically, I show that indexical clauses are always and only evaluated with respect to the speech situation, including the speech time (temporal anchoring), speech place (spatial anchoring), and speaker (referential anchoring). Chapter 4 focusses on the syntax and semantics of anaphoric clauses (Plains Cree’s CONJUNCT order). Syntactically, I show that anaphoric clauses must always be either preceded or dominated by some other antecedent clause. Semantically, I show that the value of temporal/spatial/referential dependent elements within an anaphoric clause is determined by an antecedent. Chapter 5 turns to the syntactic subclassification of Plains Cree’s CONJUNCT (i.e., anaphoric) clauses. I propose that there are three classes: chained clauses, adjunct clauses, and mediated argument clauses. I provide two kinds of diagnostics that distinguish these classes, and explore the consequences of this classification for argument clauses and complementation. Finally, Chapter 6 proposes a semantic subclassification of Plains Cree’s CONJUNCT (i.e., anaphoric) clauses. I propose that there is a direct mapping between the morphology and the semantics: one complementizer encodes presupposition of the proposition, the lack of a complementizer encodes a-veridicality of the proposition, and one complementizer is semantically unspecified (the elsewhere case). This means that Plains Cree’s clause-typing is fundamentally concerned with how the truth of the proposition is represented. / Arts, Faculty of / Linguistics, Department of / Graduate

This thesis investigates the patterning of the Algonquian “central agreement”, i.e. the primary person-number agreement marking, from a diachronic and comparative perspective. The central agreement patterns differ in the two orders: in the conjunct it is fusional and often portmanteau while in the independent it is discontinuous and non-portmanteau. In addition to these differences, there are also some commonalities, such as a pattern in which 1p consistently outranks 2p in both orders. This thesis shows that the differences between the two orders can be taken to reflect variation in the features of the syntactic probe and different morphological spell-out rules, while the shared properties follow from the underlying structure of φ-features. In particular, it is proposed that an additional person feature under the [plural] node causes first person plural to be privileged over second person plural in the competition among vocabulary items in post-syntactic spellout. / October 2016

Historians have written extensively about the process of Christianization within the Kongo nation, as well as among the Native Americans of Lower Canada. Scholars agree that this process was disparate across the Atlantic World. This paper explores the process within each region through the analysis of two dominant missionary accounts representing each region during the late seventeenth century. These missionary accounts are joined with the stories of Dona Beatriz Kimpa Vita and Catherine Tegahkouita, two notable indigenous Christians from each region. A comparative analysis of Kongo and Lower Canada reveals that the process of Christianization is highly dependent upon the social and political location of its indigenous converts. This paper argues that the experience of Christianization among indigenous people was neither homogenous across nations nor within them.

Thesis (M.A.)--Queen's University at Kingston, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--York University, 2001. Graduate Programme in Political Science. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 550-592). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ66354.

Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of History, 2003. / Title from first page of PDF document. Document formatted into pages; contains ii, 77 p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 72-77).

abstract: This thesis examines literacy development among the Algonquian-speaking Indian peoples of New England from approximately the years 1600-1775. Indians had forms of literacy prior to the coming of European settlers, who introduced them to English literacy for the purpose of proselytization. I describe the process of English-language literacy taking hold during colonization and argue that Indians in the colonial period subverted the colonizing intent of English-language literacy to preserve their mother tongues, their claims to land and affirm their nationhood as a people. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis American Indian Studies 2016