Social Science scholars study how the New Left - the wave of leftist governments in Latin America since 1999 - redefines leftism in the Post-Cold War. Part of this redefinition is a new social pact between the Queer community and those Latin American governments. Chapter 1 traces the ideological itinerary of this new social agreement and establishes the methodology of the study. El lobo, el bosque y el hombre nuevo (The Wolf, the Forest and the New Man) by Senel Paz reformulated the relationship between the dissident subjects of the patriarchy and the leftist state in Cuban society of the 1990s. Chapter 2 highlights Paz's text for its separation from the Cold War narratives centered on the leftist armed insurgent movements. Chapter 3 studies how the film adaptation of Paz's work globalized the argument and structured it within the Post-Cold War. Chapter 4 analyzes the theatrical adaptations of Paz's work made in Latin American countries after 1999. Two are compared from countries with New Latin American Leftist governments, Venezuela and Argentina, with others made in non-Latin American countries, the United States and Spain. The critical reception of the two theatrical adaptations done in Latin America showed the argument as part of their reality, in contrast to the representations made in the United States and Spain. Chapter 5 analyzes the repercussions of Paz's text in popular culture through the reggaeton "Fresa y chocolate."

The diploma thesis is focused on the changes in the political system of Bolivia .after Evo Morales` accession to the power. The aim of this thesis is to investigte the changes of the Bolivian political system and the changes of its character under Morales` rule. The main attention is focused on the changes of the institutional base of the political system, the forms of governance and the character of the Bolivian political representation. The issue is discussed in the frame of the current Latin American left governments.

The main aim of this work is to compare the discourses and analyze the relations of the American and Czechoslovak intellectual Left between 1956 and 1968. It begins by Khrushchev's revelation of Stalinist crimes and by the Soviet invasion of Hungary in 1956 which created an atmosphere of disillusionment on the Left. The global Left of this period to a substantial extent ceased to be ideologically inspired by the Soviet Union and began to rethink the foundations of its thought. So, the 1960s are the period of the flourishing leftist thought. Authors are inspired by Marxist humanism and the New Left emerges, especially in the West. There were issues which existed beyond the ideological struggle of two Cold War blocs, but the different character of the regimes in the East and the West resulted in different approaches to these issues. At the same time, the mobility of ideas and their authors or supporters increased even across the Iron Curtain. Therefore, we could see some interesting encounters and clashes of different, even though still leftist, discourses. This work tries to depict the intellectual environment of the period by dealing with issues like philosophy of Man in the context of technological changes, the tactics of the struggle against the system or bureaucracy, the relation of...

A problemática do narrador na teoria do romance aumenta à medida que as relações humanas se tornam mais complexas e abrangentes. Daí a importância de mostrar ao público o escritor norte-americano E.L. Doctorow e seu romance The Book of Daniel de 1971, uma vez que através da figura do narrador, neste romance, tem-se acesso às suas diferentes visões da História norte-americana. O sujeito no pós-modernismo (período em que o romance está inserido) perde a sua capacidade de organizar a narrativa de maneira homogênea, e esta assume, mais do que nunca, o caráter de narrativa fragmentária e de difícil vinculação com o tempo. Só resta, então, ter acesso a esta \"realidade\" histórica por meio de imagens e estereótipos proporcionados pelo narrador da história, daí o nosso interesse em mostrar como estas diferentes vozes da narração veiculam o conteúdo histórico pungente da narrativa, isto é, o comunismo dos anos 30 e 40 e a sua versão mais radical nos anos 60 e como isto pode contribuir para a discussão da relação entre narração e História. / The question of the narrator in the theory of the novel develops into a central issue as human relations become broader and more complex. Hence the importance of introducing to the readers the North-American writer E. L. Doctorow and his novel The Book of Daniel, written in 1971, in which, through the narrator, one is presented with his different views on the North American History. The subject in post-modernism (when the book was written) is no longer able to organize the narrative homogeneously, which becomes fragmentary and time problematic. Thus, this \"historical reality\" is only available through the images and stereotypes provided by the narrator, and our aim in this study is to show how these different voices (of the narrator) convey the historical content of the narrative, i.e, the comunism of the 30s and 40s, and its later radical version of the 60s, and how this analysis contributes to the discussion of the relationship between narration and History.

La carrière d’I.F. Stone (1907‐1989) le place en témoin privilégié des grands événements du XXe siècle. Par‐delà le sacro‐saint principe d’objectivité comme neutralité, ce journaliste politique indépendant s’implique personnellement dans les grandes causes radicales de la gauche américaine et internationale, d’abord au sein de la Old Left des années 1930 et 1940, puis contre le maccarthysme et la guerre froide dans les années 1950, et enfin, aux côtés de la jeunesse radicale de la New Left dans les années 1960 et 1970. À la fois observateur et participant, Stone favorise une méthode d’investigation proche de celle des muckrakers du tournant du XXe siècle, en particulier dans les pages de son propre journal I.F. Stone’s Weekly (1953‐1971), dans le but de révéler les discours mensongers du pouvoir et de dynamiser le débat démocratique. À travers l’étude du parcours d’I.F. Stone, cette thèse revêt un double enjeu : il s’agit d’abord de rendre compte d’une carrière restée en marge des récits historiques et marquée à la fois par le radicalisme et l’indépendance. Puis, parce qu’elle est jalonnée d’étapes constitutives de l’expérience radicale, l’historicisation de ce parcours permet de restaurer les aspects de continuité et de cohérence d’un engagement à la fois individuel et collectif, bien souvent présenté de façon tronquée. Grâce à une perspective enrichie par l’observation des réseaux militants proches de Stone, l’expérience formatrice des années 1930 résonne jusque dans les années 1960, confirmant au passage l’existence d’une résistance politique opposée au maccarthysme et au conformisme des années 1950. / The career of I.F. Stone (1907‐1989) placed him at the center of the great events of the 20th century. Questioning American journalism’s equation of objectivity with neutrality, this independent political reporter was personally involved in all the great left‐wing, radical struggles both in the US and internationally. He was part of the Old Left of the 1930s and 1940s, an opponent of McCarthyism and the Cold War in the 1950s, and finally stood alongside the radical youth of the New Left in the 1960s and 1970s. Playing the role both of an observer and of a participant, Stone favored an investigation method similar to that used by the muckrakers at the beginning of the 20th century, especially in his own newspaper, I.F. Stone’s Weekly (1953‐1971). His goal was to expose the government’s fibs and lies, and energize the democratic debate. By studying I.F. Stone’s trajectory, this dissertation attempts to chart a career that has been kept on the margins of historical discourse, and which was characterized by both radicalism and independence. The dissertation also places Stone’s contribution in the constitutive stages of the radical experience in the U.S. The historicization of Stone’s career allows us to restore key elements of continuity and consistency to a set of political commitments which were both individual and collective, and often depicted in a disconnected manner. Our perspective is enriched by the analysis of militant networks Stone related to, revealing that the formative experience of the 1930s continued to resonate through the 1960s, marking a political resistance to McCarthyism and the conformism of the 1950s.

A problemática do narrador na teoria do romance aumenta à medida que as relações humanas se tornam mais complexas e abrangentes. Daí a importância de mostrar ao público o escritor norte-americano E.L. Doctorow e seu romance The Book of Daniel de 1971, uma vez que através da figura do narrador, neste romance, tem-se acesso às suas diferentes visões da História norte-americana. O sujeito no pós-modernismo (período em que o romance está inserido) perde a sua capacidade de organizar a narrativa de maneira homogênea, e esta assume, mais do que nunca, o caráter de narrativa fragmentária e de difícil vinculação com o tempo. Só resta, então, ter acesso a esta \"realidade\" histórica por meio de imagens e estereótipos proporcionados pelo narrador da história, daí o nosso interesse em mostrar como estas diferentes vozes da narração veiculam o conteúdo histórico pungente da narrativa, isto é, o comunismo dos anos 30 e 40 e a sua versão mais radical nos anos 60 e como isto pode contribuir para a discussão da relação entre narração e História. / The question of the narrator in the theory of the novel develops into a central issue as human relations become broader and more complex. Hence the importance of introducing to the readers the North-American writer E. L. Doctorow and his novel The Book of Daniel, written in 1971, in which, through the narrator, one is presented with his different views on the North American History. The subject in post-modernism (when the book was written) is no longer able to organize the narrative homogeneously, which becomes fragmentary and time problematic. Thus, this \"historical reality\" is only available through the images and stereotypes provided by the narrator, and our aim in this study is to show how these different voices (of the narrator) convey the historical content of the narrative, i.e, the comunism of the 30s and 40s, and its later radical version of the 60s, and how this analysis contributes to the discussion of the relationship between narration and History.

This thesis examines the class appeal of Marcus Garvey's propaganda and his relationship with the black American left through the end of his movement's formative years to reveal aspects of his political thought that are not entirely represented in the historiography. Although several historians have addressed Garvey's affiliation with the black American left there has not yet been a consummate study on the nature of that relationship. This study examines the class element of Garvey's propaganda from his formative years through his radical phase, tracing the evolution of his ideas and attributing factors to those changes. Garvey influenced and was influenced by the labor movement and the class appeal of his propaganda was much stronger than historians have allowed. Garvey ultimately distanced himself and his program from the left for a number of reasons. The United States Justice Department's campaign to infiltrate his organization and remove him at the height of the Red Scare caused him to distance his program from the left. Since Garvey was pragmatic, not ideologically driven, and economic theory was secondary to black autonomy in his philosophy, increased criticism from former associates in the black American left, coupled with his exclusion from African-American intelligentsia, impacted his decision to embrace an alternative program. During the final years of his radical phase Garvey's ideas, program and relationships were impacted by a collision of the personal and political in his world. Understanding the complexity of Garvey's evolving ideology, and looking at the causes for those changes, are crucial to the study of the movement and its impact.

Submitted by Maria Dulce (mdulce@ndc.uff.br) on 2014-05-14T20:03:09Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Trigueiro, Gabriel-Dissert-2013.pdf: 1230993 bytes, checksum: f54fb670fa26a260acf423b0f8c19fb6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-05-14T20:03:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Trigueiro, Gabriel-Dissert-2013.pdf: 1230993 bytes, checksum: f54fb670fa26a260acf423b0f8c19fb6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Este trabalho aborda as reações às guerras do Afeganistão e Iraque de diversos intelectuais envolvidos com a revista norte-americana de esquerda Dissent Magazine. Afinados com aquilo que chamo de campo liberal-left, parte substantiva desses intelectuais não hesitou em prover apoio às medidas militares adotadas pelo governo de George W. Bush. As causas originárias desse apoio são examinadas na presente pesquisa, bem como os argumentos daqueles que, no mesmo periódico, membros da mesma cultura política em questão, se puseram a criticar as ações de política externa do governo Republicano – bem como, por conseguinte, seus colegas de revista. A natureza desses embates e as consequências intelectuais para a cultura política liberal-left são investigadas a seguir. / This paper discusses the reactions to the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq for many intellectuals involved with the U. S. left-wing magazine Dissent. Attuned to what I call the liberal-left field, a substantial part of these intellectuals did not hesitate to support the military measures taken by the George W. Bush government. The primary causes of this support are examined in this study, as well as the arguments of those who, in the same journal, members of the same political culture in question, began the criticize the foreign policy of the Republican government – and, therefore, their magazine colleagues.The nature of these conflicts and its intellectual consequences to the liberal-left political culture are investigated below.

委內瑞拉為世界第五大的石油輸出國，且同為石油輸出國家組織的創始會員國之一。石油是委內瑞拉最為重要的產業與經濟活動，而委內瑞拉因石油而富，亦因石油而貧，委內瑞拉所依賴的石油一直以來猶如兩面刃般深刻的影響委內瑞拉的政治、經濟與社會。 　　1992年政變失敗的陸軍中校查維茲打著激烈改革的口號，於1998年贏得委內瑞拉總統大選，終結支配委內瑞拉政治長達50年的「協定民主」，為委內瑞拉的歷史打開了新的一頁。對於查維茲而言，委內瑞拉的石油不但是國家主權獨立的象徵，同時亦應用於國際政治中重要的地緣政治武器。因此，查維茲上台後，便積極展開石油改革計畫，強化對國內石油產業的控制權，重整委內瑞拉國營石油公司，並利用石油收入進行社會發展計畫。此外，配合近年來國際油價的高漲，查維茲在區域與國際政治舞台上，運用委內瑞拉豐富的石油蘊藏與龐大的石油收入，進行合縱連橫，攏絡盟友並且試圖削弱美國的影響力。 　　本研究採用K. J. Holsti所提出的個人、國家、體系與全球四個分析層次作為主要分析架構，以求對於查維茲政權能源政策做出全面性的探討。此論文假設查維茲政權能源政策的發展，決策者為核心因素，藉由在個人層次上，透過決策者個人研究，以求對查維茲個人政治理念有通盤的了解，並探討如何影響委內瑞拉能源政策之發展。再者，選取在國內、體系中對委內瑞拉能源政策影響較深的因素，解釋查維茲政權在這些因素影響下，產生何種政策輸出？最後，探討近年來全球能源環境的變遷與重要的發展趨勢，作為影響查維茲政權能源政策的重要中介因素，解釋全球能源環境的變化與發展對查維茲能源政策有何影響？ / Venezuela is the fifth-largest oil exporter in the world, also, one of the funding members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries. In Venezuela, most industries and economic activities are dominated by Petroleum sector, a “double edged sword” which brings both positive and negative effects, and deeply influences the political, economic and social conditions in Venezuela. In 1998, the former lieutenant colonel, Hugo Chávez, who had organized an unsuccessful coup in 1992, seized the power as president in the election with the claim of “radical reformation”. The result in 1998 presidential election terminated the nearly fifty-year long “pacted democracy” and create a unprecendented prospect on Venezuela’s history. To Chávez, the oil is not only the symbol of independence of national sovereignty, but also a useful geopolitical weapon in the field of international politics. Therefore, Chávez began his oil reformation: strengthen the state control to the oil industry, reorganize the national oil company, Petroleos de Venezuela, SA, PDVSA, and use the income to facilitate the social policy. Moreover, due to the reason of oil price surging in recent years, the abundant oil reserve and its’ enormous output value enable Chavez to expand his power base and also to put his intention of striking the influence of United State in both regional and international stage to practice. This study adopts K. J. Holsti’s four levels of analysis – individual, state, system and global, as the analytic framework to this research. In this study, the individual level is assumed as the core factor of the energy policy development under the Chávez regime. Chavez’s political ideas and how it influences Venezuela’s energy policy would be examined through the study of his leadership. Furthermore, taking important factors influencing energy policy in both domestic and international level into account, what policies output related to the above factors had Chavez made? Last but not the least, a discussion of global energy environment change in recent years would be made for explaining how it acts as the intermediary factors which influence the energy policy of Chávez regime.