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Faced with an economic crisis following the French and Indian War, the British Parliament, along with a young and inexperienced King George III changed its longstanding policy towards the North American colonies. Prior to 1763, Parliament allowed the colonies to generally govern themselves. After 1763, Parliament began to pass legislation aimed at increasing revenue received from the colonies. As the colonies protested these new taxes on constitutional grounds Parliament began a process of implementing and repealing different attempts at controlling the economic system in the colonies. Due to differing interpretations of the British Constitution regarding Parliament's authority over the colonies, resistance to the change in policy by Parliament escalated in the 1760s and 1770s. It is this difference in interpretation that eventually led the colonists to open rebellion in 1775.

Despite considerable research on the British North American colonies and their political relationship with Britain before 1776, little is known about the administration of Nova Scotia from the perspective of Lord Halifax’s Board of Trade in London. The image that emerges from the literature is that Nova Scotia was of marginal importance to British officials, who neglected its administration. This study reintegrates Nova Scotia into the British Imperial historiography through the study of the “official mind,” to challenge this theory of neglect on three fronts: 1) civil government in Nova Scotia became an important issue during the War of the Austrian Succession; 2) The form of civil government created there after 1749 was an experiment in centralized colonial administration; 3) This experimental model of government was highly effective. This study adds nuance to our understanding of British attempts to centralize control over their overseas colonies before the American Revolution.

Cette thèse a pour objet un moment singulier des relations entre la monarchie hispanique et le royaume de France.La mort du roi Charles II à Madrid en 1700 et l’avènement du duc d’Anjou, petit-fils de Louis XIV, au trône d’Espagneprovoquèrent en effet une profonde réorganisation des rapports franco-espagnols. Après avoir été rivales, ces deuxmonarchies devenaient des puissances alliées dont les souverains appartenaient à la même maison. La réorganisation de leursrelations et la perspective de voir se reconstituer un empire – comme l’avait été celui de Charles Quint – mais cette fois-ci aubénéfice de Louis XIV inquiéta de nombreux États européens et fut l’élément déclencheur de la guerre de Successiond’Espagne. Celle-ci n’est pas envisagée ici dans l’une de ses dimensions de conflit mondial ou civil mais sous l’angle desprincipes structurants d’une politique qui a alors été mise en place par les cours de Versailles et de Madrid.« L’union des couronnes » servit à désigner ces rapports nouveaux qui inquiétaient tant mais qui donnèrent aussilieu à de nombreux projets pour rapprocher deux puissances, leurs États, leurs cours et dans une moindre mesure leurssociétés. Pour conduire cette politique, Louis XIV envoya à la cour de son petit-fils un ambassadeur resté largement méconnuet dont l’action est analysée dans cette thèse. Amelot de Gournay incarna cette union des couronnes. Cet ambassadeur eut ladélicate – voire contradictoire – mission de servir deux souverains, le roi de France et le Roi Catholique. Les différentesconceptions de l’union des couronnes sont ainsi étudiées à travers l’activité déployée par l’un de ses principaux acteurs. Si lapolitique d’union des couronnes et l’action de l’un de ses promoteurs – l’ambassadeur Amelot – sont ainsi resituées dans lecontexte d’un changement dynastique, elles permettent également de voir comment des préoccupations commercialesapparaissent de plus en plus clairement aux cours des négociations. Celles-ci jouèrent un grand rôle dans le déclenchement dela guerre, l’Angleterre et les Provinces-Unies redoutants de voir les Français s’emparer du commerce américain, maiségalement dans les efforts conduits pour rapprocher la France et l’Espagne. Le commerce devait servir de colonne vertébraleà l’union.Dans une première partie, ce travail s’attache à retracer les tensions et les conflits engendrés par les initiatives deLouis XIV sur fond de rivalités commerciales croissantes. Les principales guerres menées par le roi de France contre les roisd’Espagne au XVIIe siècle et l’enjeu des questions commerciales dans les relations hispano-françaises ont laissé une empreintedurable qui a affecté en retour la politique d’union des couronnes. Dans une seconde partie, l’ambassadeur, ses réseaux et sonaction sont étudiés pour mettre en évidence les usages et les pratiques de la négociation. Enfin, ce sont les réalités concrèteset l’image de l’union des couronnes qui est analysée dans une dernière partie. / This thesis shows how in 1700 the death in Madrid of Charles II, King of Spain, followed by the ascension of the duke ofAnjou, grandson of Louis XIV, to the Spanish throne, led to a complete and complex reorganisation of the relationshipbetween the French and Spanish monarchies. After decades of rivalry, these two kingdoms with sovereigns coming from thesame lineage turned into allies. For many Europeans states, these changes in the European balance of power and thepossibility of the rebirth of an empire – similar to the one created by Charles V – for the benefit of Louis XIV was perceivedas a threat.The expression «The Two Crowns» or « the union of the Crowns of France and of Spain » was coined to describe this newrelationship bringing together two powerful kingdoms, their States, their courts and to a lesser extent their societies.The political lead of these changes was the mandate given to the French ambassador nominated by Louis XIV within hisgrandson court. Up to now, very little was known about the role played by this man Amelot de Gournay who portrayed thisambitious politics. This thesis analyses how he managed to serve simultaneously both masters, the King of France and theKing of Spain, while his delicate mission was not exempt of contradictions.The different aspects of the Two Crowns’ governance are studied through the activities developed by the ambassadorAmelot, who was one of the main players, conceiving and carrying out this politics in a time of a change of dynasty.Economics and trade activities became of crucial importance during the negotiations, playing a major role in the outburst ofthe War of the Spanish Succession, as the England and the Dutch Republic feared the possibility that France took over thecommercial relationship with North America. These activities were also part of the efforts of France to befriend Spain. Tradewould have been the backbone of the union between the two nations.In the first part, this work develops the tensions and conflicts generated by Louis XIV’s initiatives with abackground of increasing trade rivalries. During the 17th century, most of the wars led by the King of France against the Kingof Spain and the trade issue between the two kingdoms had left durable marks in both societies, which in return impacted theTwo Crowns’ implementation. In the second part, Amelot de Gournay’s leadership, networks and actions are studied in orderto highlight the practices that ruled negotiations at that time. Finally, the facts and the perception of the Two Crowns areanalysed.

Between 1898 and 1913, the limited manpower and resources of the United States Army forced it to employ thousands of Cubans and inhabitants of the Philippines to fight the Spanish and Philippine-American and Moro Wars and conduct civil administration in Cuba and the Philippines. The colonial military labor of Cubans and Philippine islanders both affirmed and challenged the claims of American political and military leaders that the United States practiced a liberal and benevolent form of colonial and neo-colonial rule. In the Pacific Ocean and Caribbean Sea, the U.S. army's exploitation of ordinary colonial subjects breathed new life into often coercive colonial institutions, such as Chinese migrant contract labor, forced labor for public works such as roads, and the impressment of interpreters and guides and other intermediaries for military operations. The impact of American military labor relations in war and occupation endured well into periods of civilian rule in these countries, shaping the politics of race and immigration, infrastructure development and public obligation, and the civil apparatus of colonial and neo-colonial states.

Despite considerable research on the British North American colonies and their political relationship with Britain before 1776, little is known about the administration of Nova Scotia from the perspective of Lord Halifax’s Board of Trade in London. The image that emerges from the literature is that Nova Scotia was of marginal importance to British officials, who neglected its administration. This study reintegrates Nova Scotia into the British Imperial historiography through the study of the “official mind,” to challenge this theory of neglect on three fronts: 1) civil government in Nova Scotia became an important issue during the War of the Austrian Succession; 2) The form of civil government created there after 1749 was an experiment in centralized colonial administration; 3) This experimental model of government was highly effective. This study adds nuance to our understanding of British attempts to centralize control over their overseas colonies before the American Revolution.

Despite considerable research on the British North American colonies and their political relationship with Britain before 1776, little is known about the administration of Nova Scotia from the perspective of Lord Halifax’s Board of Trade in London. The image that emerges from the literature is that Nova Scotia was of marginal importance to British officials, who neglected its administration. This study reintegrates Nova Scotia into the British Imperial historiography through the study of the “official mind,” to challenge this theory of neglect on three fronts: 1) civil government in Nova Scotia became an important issue during the War of the Austrian Succession; 2) The form of civil government created there after 1749 was an experiment in centralized colonial administration; 3) This experimental model of government was highly effective. This study adds nuance to our understanding of British attempts to centralize control over their overseas colonies before the American Revolution.

Relatively little is known of European artists who worked for short periods of time in the American Colonies during the eighteenth century. Perhaps Cosmo Alexander was typical of other artists who came to America seeking greater opportunity than in their homeland, only to leave several years later, perhaps disillusioned and no wealthier. Artists who are better known stayed in America long enough to build up clientele in a broad area and produced enough works to have many survive long enough to be documented by later sources. As the subjects in many of Alexander's portraits show, there was a large prosperous middle-class patronage of the art of portraiture. Considering the social conventions of the time, personal references and letters of recommendation would have facilitated travel and introduction to prospective clients. The emphasis of this research is the patronage which Cosmo Alexander found in the American Colonies as evidenced by portraits executed between 1765 and 1771. Family connections, Scottish ancestry and communities having large Scottish populations have played a part in determining probable routes. In 1961 Gavin L. M. Goodfellow submitted a thesis to Oberlin College on Cosmo Alexander. This was the first and (to date) the only extensive monograph on the artist. The thesis was general in nature, covering Alexander's life and listing all paintings known at that time, only sixteen of which were believed to have been painted in America. Because he dealt in detail with Alexander's total biography and stylistic characteristics, only one chapter was devoted to American works. Since Goodfellow's research the number of American paintings signed by or attributed to Alexander has increased from sixteen to twenty-six. With greater documentary evidence available, patterns can be established and generalizations made which possibly are typical of other artists in similar circumstances.

The Christian History was a pro-revivalist magazine printed in Boston from 1743-1745 during what is known as the Great Awakening. It contained accounts of revivalism written by pro-revivalist ministers from throughout the American colonies, England and Scotland. These ministers believed that the Holy Spirit was being poured out upon the land in a shower of grace, causing unprecedented numbers of people to convert to Christ. In The Christian History, pro-revivalist ministers expressed their support for the revivals and shared their experiences. Thus the magazine has typically been viewed as religious propaganda advocating a single, polemical viewpoint. However, in spite of its pro-revival stance, The Christian History contains a spectrum of ideas pertaining to theology, religious history and the controversial issues that surfaced during the Awakening. For instance, although revival supporters sought to defend the Awakening as an authentic outpouring of God's grace, they did not all agree on how to handle the revivals. When it came to the "errors of doctrine" and "disorders of practice" that surfaced during the Awakening -- things like Antinomianism, bodily manifestations and itinerancy -- Christian History ministers responded differently. Though they sought to form a more uniform policy regarding these issues and others in a pro-revival ministerial meeting, in the end their opinions and reactions were shaped by their personal experiences with the revivals. In spite of their differing views regarding errors and disorders, Christian History ministers evaluated and contextualized the revivals similarly. In their revival narratives they frequently drew upon the Bible to explain and support their pro-revival stance. Some also used historical precedents as tropes for demonstrating that aspects of revivalism were perhaps unusual, but not thoroughly new. Most, however, sought to legitimize the revivals by describing their positive social qualities. For example, they wrote how tavern-going and neighborly contentions decreased, whereas occasions for religious worship multiplied. These "good fruits" of revivalism, asserted Christian History contributors, showed that the Awakening had changed the "face" of society for the better and was therefore an authentic outpouring of God's grace.