Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2009. / Title from screen (viewed on August 28, 2009). Department of World Languages and Cultures, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): Marta Antón, Marta García García, Rosa Tezanos-Pinto. Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 77-79).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 1999. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 241-253).

Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 236-257). Also available online in ProQuest, free to University of Oregon users.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2005. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 231-261).

Orientador: Clodoaldo Bueno / Banca: James Woodard / Banca: Jean Tible / Banca: Reginaldo Nasser / Banca: Tullo Vigevani / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: As relações Brasil-Estados Unidos intensificaram-se a partir do século XX, também por causa dos intercâmbios promovidos pelos governos dos dois países, que levaram a uma convergência na forma de ver o mundo em vários momentos daquele período. O objetivo desta Tese é contar a história de parte dessas relações, a partir da segunda metade daquele século, no contexto da Guerra Fria, por meio da formação da United States Information Agency (USIA) em 1953, e sua atuação no Brasil até 1964, ano do golpe militar. A principal fonte para o desenvolvimento desta pesquisa foi a consulta aos documentos de arquivos norteamericanos e brasileiros em Washington DC, Nova York e Rio de Janeiro, além de estudos de personagens relevantes no período. A USIA, até então a agência norte-americana com maior representação no exterior, foi exemplo de como os Estados Unidos, mesmo em um dos momentos mais críticos de sua história, escolheu em investir e sofisticar os programas de informação e propaganda em outros países, como instrumento complementar à sua política externa. O caso da USIA no Brasil é emblemático, pela sua capacidade de agir, influenciando diversos e heterogêneos grupos da sociedade brasileira de acordo com o interesse norteamericano, durante um período fundamental na história política brasileira, entre os anos de 1953 e 1964. / Abstract: Brazil-United States relations had been intensified after the XXth Century, also because of the exchanges promoted by the governments of those countries, that led to a converging way of seeing the world in several times during this period. The purpose of this thesis is tell the history of part of those relations from the second half of that century, in the context of Cold War, through the formation of the United States Information Agency (USIA) in 1953, and its actions in Brazil until 1964, the year of the military coup d'etat. The main source for this thesis development was the consultation of the American and Brazilian archives in Washington DC, New York and Rio de Janeiro, and also of studies from relevant actors of that period. The USIA, until then the American agency with the broadest representation outside the country, was an example of how the United States, even in one of the most critics moments of its History, had made the choice of investing and sophisticating the information and propaganda programs in other countries, as an complementary tool of its Foreign Policy. The case of USIA in Brazil is emblematic, for its capacity of acting and influencing several and heterogeneous groups of the Brazilian society according to the American interest, during a fundamental period of Brazilian History, from 1953 to 1964. / Doutor

Made available in DSpace on 2015-07-13T12:10:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2015-02-27. Added 1 bitstream(s) on 2015-07-13T12:25:45Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000838087.pdf: 3827471 bytes, checksum: 27628eeda4aca2d3d71b4c0e743b1e72 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / As relações Brasil-Estados Unidos intensificaram-se a partir do século XX, também por causa dos intercâmbios promovidos pelos governos dos dois países, que levaram a uma convergência na forma de ver o mundo em vários momentos daquele período. O objetivo desta Tese é contar a história de parte dessas relações, a partir da segunda metade daquele século, no contexto da Guerra Fria, por meio da formação da United States Information Agency (USIA) em 1953, e sua atuação no Brasil até 1964, ano do golpe militar. A principal fonte para o desenvolvimento desta pesquisa foi a consulta aos documentos de arquivos norteamericanos e brasileiros em Washington DC, Nova York e Rio de Janeiro, além de estudos de personagens relevantes no período. A USIA, até então a agência norte-americana com maior representação no exterior, foi exemplo de como os Estados Unidos, mesmo em um dos momentos mais críticos de sua história, escolheu em investir e sofisticar os programas de informação e propaganda em outros países, como instrumento complementar à sua política externa. O caso da USIA no Brasil é emblemático, pela sua capacidade de agir, influenciando diversos e heterogêneos grupos da sociedade brasileira de acordo com o interesse norteamericano, durante um período fundamental na história política brasileira, entre os anos de 1953 e 1964. / Brazil-United States relations had been intensified after the XXth Century, also because of the exchanges promoted by the governments of those countries, that led to a converging way of seeing the world in several times during this period. The purpose of this thesis is tell the history of part of those relations from the second half of that century, in the context of Cold War, through the formation of the United States Information Agency (USIA) in 1953, and its actions in Brazil until 1964, the year of the military coup d'etat. The main source for this thesis development was the consultation of the American and Brazilian archives in Washington DC, New York and Rio de Janeiro, and also of studies from relevant actors of that period. The USIA, until then the American agency with the broadest representation outside the country, was an example of how the United States, even in one of the most critics moments of its History, had made the choice of investing and sophisticating the information and propaganda programs in other countries, as an complementary tool of its Foreign Policy. The case of USIA in Brazil is emblematic, for its capacity of acting and influencing several and heterogeneous groups of the Brazilian society according to the American interest, during a fundamental period of Brazilian History, from 1953 to 1964.

Orientador: Pedro Paulo Zahluth Bastos / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-25T22:03:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Aquino_FabiodeVasconcellos_M.pdf: 1035097 bytes, checksum: f503adc7699e21c876b93949e993924d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Ciclos Hegemônicos, imperialismo e relação dos Estados com a expansão nacional e internacional do capitalismo sempre foram temas caros à História Econômica. Partimos da hipótese de que a crise econômica iniciada em 2007 tem seus determinantes principais tanto nas contradições imanentes do capital quanto nas transformações ocorridas a partir dos anos 70 no seio da economia política capitalista, ou seja, na articulação entre política e leis imanentes do capital. O objetivo do trabalho é a análise do debate contemporâneo sobre capitalismo e imperialismo a partir de uma revisão bibliográfica marxista. Especificamente procuramos observar como o poder global americano erigido no imediato pós-guerra se renova depois dos anos 70, permanecendo até hoje por uma hegemonia expressa na sua tutela sobre a financeirização, colocada em questão pela crise atual. No primeiro capítulo passamos por uma breve etapa conceitual sobre o capital fictício e uma revisitação ao debate clássico sobre capitalismo e imperialismo. No segundo capítulo, colocamos em debate as posições de Brenner, Panitch e Gindin, Konings, Arrighi, Wallerstein, Callinicos e por fim Gowan. A leitura dos autores teve como guia a questão da causalidade da crise dos anos 1970; a dinâmica da economia política internacional, desde o esgotamento de Bretton Woods até a ascensão do "dólar flexível"; o neoliberalismo com solução permanente ou temporária à crise dos anos 70; e a própria inflexão ou não da crise dos anos 1970 para entender a trajetória atual da projeção de poder estadunidense, de alguma forma lidando com a temática do desenvolvimento capitalista e do imperialismo. Pretendemos, ao fim de tal debate, uma reflexão acerca da relação desses autores contemporâneos com os clássicos, em que pontos se aproximam e em quais se afastam, trazendo assim nossa tentativa de contribuição às discussões referidas. Ao longo do trabalho, buscamos uma análise das transformações ocorridas nas formas de organização do capitalismo a partir do fim dos anos 70 para buscar entender a relação entre financeirização, neoliberalismo e poder americano. Nesse contexto de "novo imperialismo" (?), concluímos que as transformações do capitalismo após os anos 70 reforçaram o poder americano e promoveram uma nova forma de integração internacional capaz de conservar a valorização capitalista, aprofundando suas contradições. No entanto, apesar de ter fornecido respostas temporárias (até quando não sabemos) ao problema de superacumulação que sobreveio em fins dos 60, não eliminou tendências estruturais do capital, que podem apontar para desafios ao poder americano / Abstract: Hegemonic cycles, imperialism and the relationship between States and the national and international expansion of capitalism have always been important topics for the Economic History. We depart from the hypotheses that the economic crisis started in 2007 has its main determinants both on the immanent contradictions of the capital and on the transformations which have occurred since the 70s within the core of the capitalist political economy. The objective of this work is the analysis of the contemporary Marxist debate on capitalism and imperialism. More specifically, we seek to observe how the American power built after the II World War was renewed right after the 70s. On the first chapter we first take a conceptual step about fictitious capital and the classic debate about capitalism and imperialism. On the second chapter we attempt to put in debate the positions of Brenner, Panitch and Gindin, Konings, Arrighi, Wallerstein, Callinicos and finally Gowan. The reading of those authors sought to understand the causalities of the 70s crises; the dynamics of the international political economy, since the demise of Bretton Woods to the ascension of the flexible dollar; neoliberalism as a permanent or temporary solution to accumulation difficulties; and the question whether the 70s represented a turning point on the current trajectory of US¿ power. After this debate we hope to debate these contemporary authors against the classics, looking for the things that bring them closer and for the ones that make them apart. Throughout this work, we hope to build an analysis of the transformations which have been occurring on capitalism¿s forms of organization since the 70s and the relationship between this development and financialization, neoliberalism and American power. In this context of "new imperialism" (?), we conclude that the transformations taking place after the 70s have reinforced the American power and promoted a new form of international integration able to maintain capitalist value creation, reinforcing its contradictions. However, in spite of having given at least temporary answers to the overaccumulation problem that arose at the end of the 60s, those changes haven¿t eliminated capital¿s structural tendencies, which can, in the future, point to challenges to the American power / Mestrado / Historia Economica / Mestre em Desenvolvimento Econômico

This study aims to show how much space Donald Trump and Stefan Löfven get in the digital edition of the Swedish tabloid Aftonbladet. To investigate this, a quantitative content study was used, counting the number of articles in which they appear between January 21st 2017 and July 21st 2017. In total 967 news articles were included in the study where articles appearing in the entertainment and sports section were excluded as well as editorials and columns.   In the articles we counted the amount of words and how long the quotes of the two persons were. We also counted how many articles in which both Donald Trump and Stefan Löfven appear and how the quotes were distributed between them. To count the articles we created a coding scheme with rules for interpretation.   The result of the study was that Donald Trump appeared more frequently in the tabloid than Stefan Löfven. This tells us that Aftonbladet priorities news about Donald Trump over news about Stefan Löfven which can be explained by globalisation, which is one of the theories used in this study, along with the theory of news values. However it was also clear that procentually Stefan Löfven was quoted more than Donald Trump. This can mean that even though globalisation brings nations across the world closer to each other, the physical distance still has a factor in what news sources appear in the news media.

This magister degree project is a quantitative, real-time study concerning Swedes’ pronunciation of English, their choice of English accent and the degree of mixing of accents by individual speakers. The informants of the study are Swedish television journalists who speak English on television, in various interview situations. In order to determine which accent/s the journalists adopt, the classical RP/GA differences have been observed. For the purpose of the study a corpus of television clips was created, using The Swedish Media Database (Svensk Mediedatabas). The time span of the gathered material stretches from 1970 until 2009, covering four full decades. The speech of TV journalists is particularly interesting from a sociolinguistic point of view, as it can be argued that it is a form of performed speech where the concern for linguistic norm or context appropriateness is higher than in normal speech. The accent that the journalists adopt could therefore be particularly indicative of which English accent is considered most prestigious or most appropriate, among Swedish speakers. British English was the exclusive educational norm in Sweden until 1994 when American English was accepted as an alternative. Students have since been encouraged to choose one of these accents and to avoid mixing of accents. At the same time Swedish speakers are increasingly exposed to American English through media. The hypothesis underlying this study was therefore that we should see a growing tendency in favour of American English in the journalists’ speech and that the tendency to mix accents would be less frequent in earlier years and more common today. Results of the study show a very modest increase of American accent, which peaks in the 1990s and seems to abate by 2000. The data indicates a surprisingly stable situation in favour of British English over the four decades, with a general 30-40 percent mix of American English features. All the informants mix accents, typically up to 30 percent, already in the 1970s. The data cannot fully confirm an increasing American English influence on Swedes’ choice of English accent. However, the study indicates that mixing of accents is, and has been, a common and probably inevitable phenomenon.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / El propósito de este estudio es realizar una descripción general de las actitudes de los padres de familias mexicanas en la ciudad de Indianápolis sobre el uso y mantenimiento del español. Se intenta describir los diferentes puntos de vista y actitudes que se consideran cuando los padres de familias deciden promover o no promover el uso, y por consiguiente, el mantenimiento del español por sus hijos. Además, se analizan otros parámetros relacionados con las actitudes, el bilingüismo, la educación bilingüe, y el mantenimiento del español y su relación con el mantenimiento de la cultura mexicana.