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In this research, I examine selected commercial videos promoting the American corporations Coca-Cola and McDonald's in the Russian market over the period 2007-2010. Proceeding on the assumption that the selected videos are typical TV commercials utilized by these two companies in the Russian market, my major goal is to determine the ways in which the ads attempt to make the given products appealing to Russian consumers. I found that the video ads of these two corporations revealed a strategy aimed at avoiding negative attitudes against the products (and their potential profits) because of their strong identification with America and everything that America might represent to Russian consumers. This challenge is complicated because a segment of the potential market, principally young people, undoubtedly would not mind an association with American values and would generally respond favorably to American and broad cosmopolitan (foreign, non-Russian) interests. Moreover, creating ads with exclusively Russian themes (for example, from folklore) could potentially reach customers in other segments of the population less enamored of American products. The challenge facing both companies was to make a foreign product acceptable and appealing to a Russian market. The strategies they used to do this are worth examining for the sake of obtaining insights into successful advertising campaigns in Russia in particular and in foreign cultures in general. Analyses will yield conclusions that may be useful to psychologists, linguists, cultural historians and members of other disciplines involved in advertising design and business strategies.

Despite the popularity of free people of color in New Orleans as a research topic, the history of free people of color remains misunderstood. The prevailing view of free people of color is that of people who: engaged in plaçage, attended quadroon balls, were desperately dependent upon the dominant population, and were uninterested or afraid to garner rights for themselves. Contemporary historians have endeavored to amend this stereotypical perception; this study aims to be a part of the trend of revisionist history through an in-depth analysis of the co-plaintiffs in Boisdoré and Goulé, f.p.c., v. Citizens Bank and their case. Because Boisdoré and Goulé sue at critical time in New Orleans history, three decades after the Louisiana Purchase during the American transformation of New Orleans, their case epitomizes the era in which it occurs. In bringing suit, Boisdoré and Goulé attempted to thwart some of those forth coming changes.

Le 11 septembre 2001, les États-Unis vivaient un traumatisme majeur qui engendra des questionnements sur l’image des Américains dans le monde et plus particulièrement dans le monde arabo-musulman. Cet intérêt croissant est au cœur de ce travail doctoral qui s’intéresse à l’image des États-Unis en Égypte à travers la presse d’expression anglaise et la culture populaire égyptienne de 1991 à 2008. L’Égypte avait déjà commencé à explorer sa relation avec les États-Unis bien avant notre période d’étude mais il y a eu une recrudescence de cet intérêt avec la guerre du Golfe (1990-1991), le processus de paix sous l’égide de Bill Clinton (1991-2000) et l’invasion de l’Irak en 2003. En effet, l’implication croissante des États-Unis dans la région du Proche Orient occasionne une réception complexe qui mérite un examen minutieux. Cette thèse retrace l’historique de cette image dès les premiers contacts pour arriver à esquisser les différents courants qui influent sur la réception des États-Unis en Égypte et jusqu’à un certain degré, dans le monde arabe, en raison du rayonnement culturel de l’Égypte dans la région. / On 9/11 the United States suffered a major trauma which raised questions as to its image abroad, and particularly, in the Arab and Muslim worlds. This ever-increasing interest lies at the heart of our dissertation which focuses on the image of the United States in Egypt from 1991 to 2008, as seen and spread through the English-language press and more specifically, the newspaper Al-Ahram Weekly, as well as through Egyptian popular culture. Egypt had already begun to explore its relationship with the United States well before the period under study, but the Gulf War (1990-1991), the peace process under the leadership of Bill Clinton (1991-2000) and the invasion of Iraq in 2003 revived this interest. Indeed, the United States’ deepening involvement in Middle Eastern issues had led to complex responses that deserve scrutiny. After tracing the history of the image of the United States in Egypt since the first contacts, this dissertation analyzes the ups and downs of the perception of the United States in Egypt between 1990 and 2008, and to some extent, in the Arab world, on account of the cultural influence of Egypt in the region.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lilian Marta Grisolio Mendes.pdf: 39303873 bytes, checksum: 70e390e21c09d99749242b27e7a20683 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-05-20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The present essay aims at analyzing one of the most important 20th Century Brazilian magazines, namely O Cruzeiro. The reflection hereby proposed encompasses the discussion about the option for capitalist modernity based on the North-American model to the detriment of the communist option which presents itself in the post-war period. Thus, we mean to render problematic ideological rather than merely informative reports since they disclosed the ideas that tried to adjust society as well as the national politics between 1947 and 1950. Our goal consists of trying to understand the basis underlying the discourse that promoted the Brazilian modernization, heavily shaped by the North-American model, and which defended a kind of development for society underlined by Americanized values at every social level, from economic to cultural issues, thus rejecting any project that even remotely resembled communist principles. As a direct consequence of assuming such a posture, the magazine produced an intense anti-communist discourse which sometimes identified the Stalinist soviet regime as dangerous and perverse and, at other times, portrayed it as a world of sadness and suffering. Taking the American democracy as a model and fighting against communism, the magazine promoted a certain kind of modernization. The understanding of the intense combat against the Varguista project belongs to this sphere. That project is totally against the idea that modernization would derive from an intrinsic subordination to international funds. Therefore, the nationalistic project was identified by the magazine as outdated, representing tardiness. Although the magazine strongly opposed to the election of Getúlio Vargas in the 1950 elections, it was defeated. Studying the magazine historicity, we disclose an intense effort to identify the United States of America as the ideal partner regarding the construction of a society guided by consumption. In the 1940s, Brazil was still looking for a model for its development and the magazine O Cruzeiro was clearly the one which best spread North-American values via its weekly publication. Thus, O Cruzeiro intentionally contributed to the building of the principles underlying the American Dream as well as the fight against the Red Scare / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar uma das mais importantes revistas do Brasil no século XX: O Cruzeiro. A reflexão está centrada no debate sobre a opção pela modernização capitalista com base no modelo estadunidense, em detrimento da opção comunista que se apresenta no pós-guerra. Dessa forma, buscamos problematizar os artigos de caráter ideológico, e não meramente informativos, onde eram divulgadas as ideias que buscavam ajustar a sociedade e a política nacional, entre 1947 a 1950. Nosso objetivo é compreender as bases do discurso que promoveu a modernização do país assumindo o modelo estadunidense e defendeu um tipo de desenvolvimento para a sociedade permeado de valores americanizados em todas as esferas sociais, desde a economia até a cultura, rejeitando, assim, qualquer projeto que se aproximasse dos preceitos comunistas. Como consequência direta desse posicionamento, a revista produziu um intenso discurso anticomunista que ora identificava o regime soviético stalinista como perigoso e perverso ora como um mundo triste e de sofrimento. Elegendo a democracia estadunidense como modelo e combatendo o comunismo, a revista promovia certa proposta de modernização. Situa-se nessa esfera o entendimento do intenso combate ao projeto varguista que se opunha diametralmente à ideia de que a modernização se construiria a partir da necessária subordinação ao capital internacional. O projeto nacionalista, então, era identificado pela revista como ultrapassado, representando o atraso. Embora a revista tenha travado uma dura batalha contra a candidatura de Getúlio Vargas nas eleições de 1950, foi derrotada. Ao estudarmos a historicidade da revista, desvelamos um intenso esforço para identificar os Estados Unidos como parceiro ideal na construção de uma sociedade pautada no consumo. O Brasil na década de 1940 ainda buscava um modelo para seu desenvolvimento e O Cruzeiro foi notadamente a revista que melhor propagou os valores estadunidenses através de suas publicações semanais. Dessa forma, O Cruzeiro deliberadamente contribuiu com o ideário do American Dream e do combate ao Pesadelo Vermelho

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lidia Noemia Silva dos Santos.pdf: 7912465 bytes, checksum: 7cce6d58b28ed64ee17a28292a6403ef (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-11-08 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This thesis is a wayward youth story ( rebels without a cause ), a contingent of young, mostly male and from the wealthier layer of society, who assumed in an esthetic and behavioral plan, a cultural identity considered transgressive and delinquent, between 1950 s and 1970 s. From the analysis of journalistic and academic studies sought to analyze how emerged that youth culture in Brazil and how it was meant for intellectuals who sought to explain it. Moreover, this work intention is to recover the practice and representations of wayward young in a context of culture transnationalization which meant, among other things, growth of urban living, expansion of media consumption and approximation with American culture / A tese é uma história da juventude transviada , isto é, de um contingente de jovens, majoritariamente do sexo masculino e das camadas mais abastadas da sociedade, que assumiram no plano estético e comportamental uma identidade cultural considerada transgressora e/ou delinquente, entre as décadas de 1950 e 1970. A partir da análise de matérias jornalísticas e estudos acadêmicos buscou-se analisar como emergiu essa cultura juvenil no Brasil e como foi significada por intelectuais que buscaram explicá-la. Além disso, é pretensão desse trabalho recuperar a prática e as representações dos jovens transviados num contexto de transnacionalização da cultura que significou, entre outras coisas, crescimento do modo de vida urbano, ampliação do consumo de mídia e aproximação com a cultura norte-americana

Social psychological theorizing assumes that 1) members of dominant and oppressed racial groups subscribe to the same set of cultural beliefs regarding the racial hierarchy in the United States and 2) that patterns of deference in task groups reflect broader patterns of inequality in society. With the use white and black research participants at two research sites, this thesis examines these assumptions with regards to the proposed tri-racial hierarchy of the Latin Americanization Thesis, which asserts that the racial hierarchy in the U.S. is now primarily determined by phenotype, as opposed to traditional racial and ethnic boundaries. Do White and Black Americans associate similar perceptions of status with members of the proposed tri-racial hierarchy? In addition, skin tone is associated with socioeconomic status among blacks in the U.S., but do research participants defer to members of the pigmentocracy in a manner consistent with these broader patterns of inequality? These questions are assessed by matching white and black research participants with either a white, light-skinned black, or dark-skinned black partner for the completion of a joint task. The results of the multi-site experiment suggest that there is racial invariance with the perceived status associated with members of the pigmentocracy. More generally, whites exhibit patterns of active denial and report that most others believe dark-skinned blacks are more competent than light-skinned blacks, who most others believe are more competent than whites. Whites purportedly personally subscribe to these pattern of beliefs. Blacks, however, exhibit a pattern of active resistance to stigmatizing beliefs: while they report that oppressed members of the pigmentocracy are held in lower regard by most others in society, they refuse to personally endorse these stigmatizing beliefs. These attitudinal reactions had implications for the patterns of deference that emerged when jointly completing the group task. While patterns of influence emergent in group tasks generally reflect broader patterns of stratification in society, this failed to be the case when participants interacted with members of the pigmentocracy most phenotypically distinct from themselves. That is, when racial distinctions were most salient, research participants consciously reacted against the pigmentocracy, obstructing the activation of the status generalization process. The implications of these results for model testing and development, and for identifying racial biases in the current racial climate are discussed.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Los Angeles, 2003. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 445-462). Also available on the Internet.

This thesis explores the Americanization efforts of educational leaders in Texas during the Progressive Era to demonstrate that reformers did not use vocational education, and specifically home economics, primarily to Americanize immigrant and ethnic minority students to become good, working-poor citizens. Through Americanization efforts in vocational curricula, reformers hoped to provide economically disadvantaged students with a practical body of knowledge and democratic values that would create healthy, economically viable communities occupied by loyal, educated American citizens. Federal legislation that promoted the development of vocational education in the first half of the twentieth century demonstrates that this way of thinking reflected national rather than regional trends. In Texas, vocational education was largely directed at a population that was predominately white and rural for the first several decades of the twentieth century. That decision by educators casts considerable doubt on assertions that they were primarily motivated by racialized thinking. Notably, home economics curricula was constructed over the framework of Americanization, and children who took such courses in rural schools received training that advocated respect for others, cooperation, an appreciation of Western culture and the value of aesthetics, efficiency and thriftiness, and good hygiene practices. The homemaking program at the South San Antonio high school in the 1944-1945 school year provides an example. Homemaking teacher Nell Kruger's curriculum reached far beyond training future housewives, waitresses and maids. She sought, in accordance with the state-mandated home economics curriculum, to provide a practical body of knowledge and to inculcate democratic values in her students. Using Texas' State Department of Education and State Board of Vocational Education bulletins, Texas Education Agency literature, federal and state laws, conference reports, and curriculum guidelines, this thesis seeks to further nuance the understanding of Americanization efforts through vocational education, specifically homemaking, during the Progressive Era in Texas by arguing that Americanization reflected an urban, middle-class perspective directed toward economically disadvantaged white students as well as immigrant and ethnic minority students.

This thesis traces the origins of a colonized and militarized Hawai`i, ultimately leading to the years of military rule, 1941-1945. It examines the ways in which the Hawaiian Islands differed from the United States mainland prior to and throughout the war years, and demonstrates that Hawai`i's history is much richer than the "Remember Pearl Harbor" framework acknowledges. Focusing on long time residents (Islanders or locals), rather than on the large population of migrant Americans also in the archipelago during the war, it addresses ways in which military rule controlled and Americanized the people of Hawai`i. Finally, it illuminates the ways in which local stories challenge national ones: How were America and Hawai`i different places in 1941? / Graduate