After the Asian financial crisis, the relationship between China and ASEAN has been strengthened; meanwhile, the influence of U.S. in Southeast Asia has been gradually decreased. The rise of China challenges status quo in the region. According to the Neo-realism, national interests depend on national power to put into effect. China and U.S. compete through cooperation with ASEAN in political, economical, traditional and untraditional security and sub-region fields which shape the new order in Southeast Asia. This thesis is divided into five parts and the conclusion of analysis could be as the policy recommendation for the government of R.O.C.¡¦s decision making on Southeast Asia policy.

The cooperation between the United States and China in central Asia is not only a kind of bilateral cooperation; they concern their mutual interests and also refer to the interests of central Asia. No matter China could accept the international reality or not, China must face the challenges after the United States enters central Asia. A safe central Asia will help China, Europe and west Asia to establish a stable connection; it will also cause better economic development and promote the international status and influence of China. The long-term interests of China in central Asia will depend on the cooperation between other superpowers, so China must strengthen the cooperation between America and Russia in order to stable the safety of central Asia. Besides, central Asia plays an important role on the economic and military safety of China. Therefore, in order to maintain the stable development and power balance in central Asia, the United States and China must keep the competitive and cooperative relationship in the future.

An analysis of risk, cost and benefit associated with U.S. domestic anti-terrorism expenditures.

The Research of the Relationship between the U.S., China and Taiwan After the 911 Incident Abstract The traditional diplomacy of America puts its main focus on Europe with little attention on Asia, however after having the 911 Attack in the U.S.2001, Bush junior administration has immediately adjusted the pace of global strategies. The main strategy has shifted its focus towards Asia, it shows that the US makes National Defences the first priority and seeks for the support of counter- terrorism from China in Asia. Before the 911 incident, China was not at the very heart of American policy in Asia policy, as a result of 1999 Chinese Embassy bombing in Belgrade in the former Yugoslavia Republic of Serbia and the April 2001 Hainan reconnaissance plane incident, there had been an awkward tension between U.S. and China. After seeking the cooperation of counter terrorism with China, it presented an opportunity that the U.S. and China can use to improve their relationship. Since the normalisation between U.S. and China, it has been through from the ¡§strategy cooperation relations¡¨ which was established to against Russia to the neorealism of ¡§constructive relations,¡¨ Clinton era formed a ¡§comprehensive association¡¨ with mainland China and advanced it into ¡§ constructive strategy partnership,¡¨ yet, before 911 Attack, the relationship of Bush junior Administration and China were ¡§strategic competitors¡¨, then after 911 incident, due to the strategy transformation of U.S., both parties developed ¡§ Constructive cooperation relations, ¡¨ even though there are still conflicts on the benefits, U.S.-China relation has ameliorated to some extent. As far as U.S. concerns, China is regarded a partner of counter terrorism and benefit exchanger by the world, yet U.S. recognises China as a potential strategic adversary, in some ways, U.S. still exposes the threatening gesture to China. Bush junior has indicated to China that U.S. does not support the independence of Taiwan, but if China force invades Taiwan on the premise that Taiwan does not declare independence, U.S. does not rule out the possibility of assisting Taiwan by the means of miliary. It has shown the U.S. strategy has changed from ¡§strategic ambiguity¡¨ to ¡§strategic clear¡¨ since Clinton to Bush junior. After the 911 incident, the relationship of U.S. and China has definitely improved in a short period, in terms of the long run, both parties still have serious differences regarding to the problem of Taiwan, human rights, economics impacts and anti nuclear proliferation. These conflicts still restrain the development of U.S and China relationship, in addition, U.S. has troops in middle Asia, in terms of the military strategy, the benefit of Mainland China is deprived. In terms of long term U.S-China relationship, it represents a cooperative yet defensive relationship, on the basis of that Taiwan does not declare independence, according to U.S.-Taiwan relationship, U.S. will secure the safety of Taiwan, and maintain the peace cross-straits.

The 2015 European Immigration Crisis brought an unprecedented number of immigrants to parts of Western Europe as millions of people fled war-torn and politically unstable countries. Similar to the increase in immigrants, Western European countries have also been combatting the rise of terror attacks throughout Europe. The increase in immigration coupled with an increase in terror attacks has caused anti-refugee sentiments among some Europeans and demands for stricter immigration policies. This paper examines how terrorism has impacted refugee and immigrant populations throughout Western Europe with a focus on Germany, France, and Belgium following the 2015 European Immigration Crisis. In order to determine the effects, the analysis focuses on recent terror attacks in the three nations. The claim that refugees are responsible for the increase in terror attacks is examined along with the impact of foreign terrorist fighters in each nation. Following this, the responses from right-wing groups are discussed. This includes the rise of right-wing political leaders, the organization of right-wing movements, and right-wing terror attacks. The resulting policy implications regarding both terrorism policies and immigration policies are also discussed. From these three areas of impact, the overall effects of the European Immigration Crisis are better understood.

No description available.

Cette thèse étudie la politique de lutte antiterroriste dans la France des années 1980 en analysant le terrorisme en tant que processus de communication entre trois groupes d’acteurs: les terroristes, l’État et la société. Épargnés par les années de plomb à la suite des troubles de 1968, les Français sont confrontés à partir de 1982 à une vague terroriste sans précédant: simultanément, des terroristes d’extrême-gauche, des séparatistes et des groupes internationaux et islamistes attaquent le pays. Par la suite, la manière dont l’État et la société française répondent au terrorisme subit une transformation fondamentale. Alors que, jusqu’à la fin des années 1970, la violence politique avait bénéficié d’une certaine tolérance, un consensus national « contre le terrorisme » émerge au cours des années 1980. La France développe son propre modèle de l’antiterrorisme qui se caractérise par son efficacité et sa flexibilité et dont les principaux fondements n’ont que peu changé depuis. Parallèlement, un discours sécuritaire s’installe. De même, sous l’impact du terrorisme international, les représentations de la minorité arabe et musulmane changent, tout comme le font en parallèle la politique française d’asile et d’immigration. / This thesis traces France’s fight against terrorism in the 1980s, when the country was hit by an unprecedented wave of terrorist attacks. Largely spared from the “years of led” that had haunted most of Europe during the 1970s, France was suddenly faced with simultaneous attacks by left-wing extremists, violent separatists and international terrorists, including the first terrorist attacks perpetrated by islamic extremists on European soil. This thesis builds up on a theoretical framework that looks at terrorism as a communication process between three groups of actors: the terrorists, society and the state. During the 1980s, the way the French state and society perceived and reacted to terrorism underwent a fundamental change: Whereas, until the late 1970s, political violence had been met with a certain tolerance, a new antiterrorist consensus emerged during the subsequent decade. France developed its own counterterrorist approach - a highly effective and flexible model whose principal foundations have barely changed to the present day. Simultaneously, a new security discourse replaced the liberal atmosphere of the 1970s. The terrorism of the 1980s also contributed to a change of the perception of the Arabic and Muslim minority in France.

面對近年來恐怖主義持續壯大及ISIS恐怖組織，由其面對孤狼恐怖主義(lone wolf terrorism)攻擊頻繁發生在世界各地，如挪威槍擊事件、波士頓馬拉松爆炸案、國內高鐵行李爆裂物及法國查理週刊等事件中，就可以看出恐怖主義在全球漫延。在2016年美國恐怖主義報告中提到，「東亞國家積極參與打擊恐怖主義，以澳大利亞、日本、馬來西亞、紐西蘭、南韓、新加坡及臺灣是全球打擊ISIS聯盟的合作夥伴。」可見我國面對恐怖主義已是美國盟友之一，並不能置身事外，需要面對未知的恐怖攻擊並想辦法應對，只有做好萬全的準備才能在發生恐攻時迅速解決。目前我國已制定初步的反恐怖行動策略，雖然在中華民國尚未發生重大的恐怖行動，我們還是必須做準備，瞭解自己有多大能量能因應能恐怖攻擊，在機制上如何上下通聯及左右協調，確保整個機制能正常運作。 國軍依行政院指導，就部隊能力及恐怖攻擊行動性質，完成反恐任務部隊整備，依令執行反恐應援任務。當國內發生恐怖攻擊事件時，依行政院國土安全應變中心任務需求，由國軍聯合作戰指揮中心派遣專責、專業、地區應變部隊，協力反恐應援任務。為防止恐怖主義對國家的威脅，必須建立相關機制及應變單位，我國國軍主要反恐任務部隊，主要為憲兵特勤隊、陸軍航特部特勤中隊及海軍陸戰隊特勤中隊等三支特勤隊，而憲兵特勤隊成立之初就是因反恐而編成，所以不論在裝備、人員、武器及訓練上都可做為國內反恐的指標。但在解嚴後的執行面漸漸被警察及海巡特勤隊取代其任務，若在恐攻發生時要如何執行反恐任務，在國家及國防部反恐機制中能否運作，憲兵本就具有軍司法警察身分，擔負協力維護治安的重任，更是國家元首的鐵衛軍，在實際上執行任務有法可依循，在國軍精減後繼續朝向「量少、質精、戰力強」的目標邁進，要如何應證憲兵特勤隊的能力，一方面需要法規及制度的配合，另一方面要完備反恐各整備，才能在關鍵時刻完成任務。 / The purpose of this thesis is to evaluate and study the role of MPSSC in the chain of command within the anti-terrorism mechanism system. Faced with escalating threat of international terrorism and ISIS regime in recent years, lone wolf terrorism attacks have frequently occurred around the globe, to name a few: the 2011 Norway attacks, Boston Marathon bombings, Taiwan high-speed rail baggage bursts and French Charlie Weekly and other events. In the 2016 United States Terrorism Report, “East Asian countries have been actively involved in the fight against terrorism, with Australia, Japan, Malaysia, New Zealand, South Korea, Singapore and Taiwan as partners in the global fight against ISIS.” ROC (Taiwan) has been taking important role as one of the American allies and cannot be left out of the fight. The island country is ought to be prepared for an unknown yet possible terrorist attack. Though thus far no major terrorism activities had burst out in Taiwan, the government has already proposed a preliminary strategy for anti-terrorism action, in the event of possible terrorist actions on the island. The island country must be prepared and understand how much energy it can produce to deal with terrorist attacks, as well as efficient internal coordination in the chain of command within the anti-terrorism mechanism. The ROC (Taiwan) Executive Yuan commands The island country’s National Army. The Army formulates a counter-terrorism task force in terms of its military capability and the nature of a terrorist attacks. In the event of a terrorist attacks, the Executive Yuan Homeland Security Response Center issues mission statement and the National Army Joint Operations Command Center is responsible to compose and deploy a dedicated, professional, contingency local forces. In order to prevent the threat, relevant mechanisms and contingency units are required to establish. The island country`s main anti-terrorism task force: MPSSC, the Airborne Special Service Company (ASSC) and the Chinese Marine Corps Special Service Company (CMC.SSC). The MPSSC was initially founded to fight against terrorism, therefore in terms of equipment, personnel, weapons and training can be demonstrated as a domestic anti-terrorism indicators. Yet starting in the 80s, post Martial-Law period, Wei-An Police Special Services Commando (WAPSSC) and Coast Guard Administration Special Task Unit (CGA-STU) has gradually took over in importance. In the event of a terrorist attack, the role of the MPSSC and its frame of operation within the Ministry of Defense mechanism are still not clear. The MPSSC is the military police, by its nature and the law; it is committed to the task of maintaining law and order. The MPSSC is also the iron guard of the president. After the streamline of the National Army, the goal strive to a “less, quality, strong fighting” forces is still in process. In order to prove and account for the ability of the MPSSC, a clear, regulated law and institutional cooperation in required on one hand, and a combat -ready preparation status is also required on the other hand.

通關便捷化與反恐皆是目前全球的重要趨勢。通關便捷化可降低企業經營成本，提高國際市場競爭力，並吸引各國企業投資；而反恐則可預先篩選過濾高風險危害，保護國土安全，避免貿易癱瘓。大勢所趨，我國無法自外於潮流，必須儘所能尋求反恐成效與整體通關效率兩者兼顧的有效措施，提升關務行政效能及增進國際貿易競爭力，以保障我國未來經濟之穩定與成長。 通關反恐與通關便捷其實很難兩全其美，一味講求通關便捷固然會疏於反恐，因而影響貿易安全，然過於嚴格的反恐措施亦必影響通關便捷化。因此，如何兼顧通關便捷與安全，是全球海關未來的重要課題，本研究乃基於剖析通關便捷化與911後之通關反恐，進一步推導出兼顧通關便捷及貿易安全之策略，並選定目前蔚為世界趨勢的WCO SAFE標準架構作為所需兼顧策略的探討內容，從WCO SAFE標準架構之國際發展趨勢、各國導入WCO SAFE標準架構之情形、其他國際性供應鏈安全計畫等諸項，分析出兼顧通關便捷及貿易安全趨勢我國應有的策略和具體做法。 本研究對於如何真正做到通關無紙化、如何落實廉政海關、ECFA所遭遇的問題及如何透過ECFA與世界接軌、如何以京都公約的做法加強通關便捷化、我國執行反恐的重點、如何協助國內廠商通過國際安全標準認證、如何參酌國際規範適時修正我國關稅法規並調整關稅措施、如何提升我國海關通關效能等關鍵問題，均提出具體可行建議和可行細節規劃。 / Customs clearance Facilitation and anti-terrorism are important trends at present in the world. Clearance Facilitation can reduce enterprise's operation costs, raise the competitiveness of international markets, and attract enterprise investments from other countries. Through the anti-terrorism mechanism most high- risk factors could be sifted out prior to the importation of goods or the arrival of people, so we may protect the security of the territory, prevent trade from being paralyzed. Taiwan, a member of the global village, can never exclude itself from the global trends, and must seek the effective measures to attain both anti-terrorism effect and clearance efficiency, improve customs administrative efficiency and promote international trade competitiveness, in order to ensure Taiwan’s economic stabilization and growth in the future. It seems very difficult to strike a balance between Customs clearance facilitation and anti-terrorism; i.e. getting both of the two tasks done well is really a challenge to a country. While simply stressing clearance facilitation will undoubtedly be negligent of anti-terrorism, and even sacrifice trade security, but overly strict anti-terrorism measures will affect clearance facilitation. So, how to attain both clearance facilitation and security is an important task for world Customs as a whole. This study is to analyze clearance facilitation and anti-terrorism after the 911, then derives further the strategies to attain both clearance facilitation and security, and it selects WCO SAFE standards, which are a leading guide for world trade procedures, to be the discussion content necessary for the eclectic strategies. This study tries to derive the strategies and concrete procedures that Taiwan may adopt to attain clearance facilitation and trade security based on the trends of international development of WCO SAFE standards, the situation various countries adopt WCO SAFE standard structure, other international supply chain safety plans, etc. This study proposes feasible suggestions and detailed plans in regard to how to accomplish paperless customs clearance, how to put customs integrity into practice, the problems the ECFA encounters and how to integrate with the world through ECFA, how to strengthen clearance facilitation with the implementation of the Kyoto Convention, the focal point of Taiwan executing the anti-terrorism policy, how to help the domestic manufacturers to pass international safety standard authentication, how to revise Taiwan’s Customs regulations and adjust tariff measures in consultation with international norms at the right time, how to improve customs clearance efficiency, etc.

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / The problem of violent extremism is approaching a critical point in America. American government and community leaders must find an effective approach to deterring violent extremism immediately. A national and comprehensive approach to deter violent extremism in America is currently lacking. This comparative policy perspective seeks to determine whether the United Kingdom and Australia have good practices to deter violent extremism that can be useful in America. Secondly, this thesis also seeks to determine whether the United States can implement potential good practices to deter violent extremism. After a thorough review of the issue of violent extremism in America, this thesis studies similar background, research, and violent extremism issues in the United Kingdom and Australia. This thesis concludes that a variety of good practices in the United Kingdom and Australia can counter radicalize and deter violent extremists in America. The findings and recommendations from this research include challenges and a way forward to implement certain potential best practices for the United States. The arguments offer viable options and alternatives that the United States should consider when creating a national deterring-violent-extremism strategy. The details and information regarding understanding and implementing good practices to deter violent extremism in America are contained in this thesis. / Major, New York Army National Guard, Latham, New York