Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta dissertação trata do que se entende como terrorismo após os atentados de setembro de 2001, seja como lógica de ação ou como método de ação. A partir desta data, o terrorismo alcançou enorme projeção e passou a figurar como tema central tanto na imprensa cotidiana quanto em reuniões internacionais de cúpula. O fenômeno era, muitas vezes, historicamente circunscrito às nações que enfrentavam esse problema. Após o Onze de Setembro, o debate expandiu-se e as políticas, e a propaganda, antiterroristas incidiram sobre a sociedade, modificando comportamentos individuais e coletivos. A associação entre Islamismo e terrorismo foi frequente e a Guerra Contra ao Terror (GCT), promovida pela política externa norte-americana de George W. Bush, contribuiu para difundir uma percepção do terrorismo como uma lógica de ação afeita à violência em si. Isso contrasta com a percepção quanto a grupos terroristas de momentos históricos anteriores, cujo recurso ao terrorismo era compreendido como método de ação com valor instrumental para alcançar objetivos políticos diversos, como a emancipação nacional e a desestabilização de regimes políticos estabelecidos. O estudo de caso da Organização de Xangai (OCX) visa demonstrar que a identificação entre terrorismo e Islã leva ao equívoco de compreender os grupos terroristas contemporâneos islâmicos, com lógicas próprias, como uma fenômeno só o que leva à imprecisão de atribuir ao terrorismo o caráter de primeiro fenômeno macro-securitizado. Este breve histórico da ascensão do terrorismo na agenda política contemporânea, mediante a análise do processo securitizador tanto na GCT quanto na Organização de Cooperação de Xangai, serve como referência para as análises contidas no trabalho que o leitor tem em mãos, uma vez que o sentido atribuído ao terrorismo só pode ser entendido em termos dos atores políticos envolvidos na sua definição e no contexto em qual o fazem. Na OCX, o verificou-se o entendimento do terrorismo como método de ação de grupos separatistas, o que não corresponde à ideia do terrorismo como lógica de ação contida na GCT. / We wrote about our understanding what terrorism, after the September 2001 attacks, is liking as a logic and a method of action. After September 2001, terrorism has achieved a huge projection and has been integrated as a central theme in both the daily press and in international summit meetings. The phenomena was often historically confined to nations facing this problem. After 9/11, the debate has expanded and the political counter-terrorism propaganda was focused on society changing individual and collective behavior. The association between Islam and terrorism was common and the War on Terror (WOT), promoted by the American foreign policy of George W. Bush, helped to spread a perception of terrorism as an logic action of pure violence itself. The contrast between perception of the terrorist groups in previous historical periods, whose thinking to practice to terrorism was understood as an method of action with instrumental value to achieve different policy objectives, such as national emancipation and the destabilization of established political regimes. This study of Shanghai Organization (SCO) seeks to demonstrate the identification between terrorism and Islam leads to misunderstanding of understanding (a lack of comprehension) between the contemporary Islamic terrorist groups, with their own logic, and as a phenomenon only - which leads inaccurate to attribute terrorism to an first macro-securitized phenomenon character. This brief history of the rise of terrorism in contemporary political agenda has been analyzing the securitizer process both in WOT and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. This study serves as a reference about our thinking and analyzes terrorism not only can be understood in terms of the political actors involved in its definition but in the context in which they do. The SCO has a understanding about terrorism like a method of action of separatist groups, which does not correspond to the idea of terrorism as an logic of action contained in the WOT doctrine.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka om de grundläggande förmågorna är relevanta även i en anti-terrorist operation, då förmågorna hittills varit ett begrepp inom mellanstatliga konflikter. För att besvara detta används två frågeställningar: – Är de grundläggande förmågorna relevanta för denna typ av operationer? – Vilken eller vilka av de grundläggande förmågorna låg till grund för framgång/misslyckande i operationen? Studien genomförs som en jämförande fallstudie där fyra operationer av militär och polisiär karaktär analyseras utifrån de grundläggande förmågorna. Data erhålls genom textanalys av historiska skildringar som avhandlar respektive operation. Resultatet av studien visar att de grundläggande förmågorna är relevanta för anti-terrorist operationer och tillämpningen av dem kan bestämma utfallet av operationen. De förmågor som låg till grund för en lyckad eller misslyckad operation är verkan, skydd, und/info och ledning.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta dissertação trata do que se entende como terrorismo após os atentados de setembro de 2001, seja como lógica de ação ou como método de ação. A partir desta data, o terrorismo alcançou enorme projeção e passou a figurar como tema central tanto na imprensa cotidiana quanto em reuniões internacionais de cúpula. O fenômeno era, muitas vezes, historicamente circunscrito às nações que enfrentavam esse problema. Após o Onze de Setembro, o debate expandiu-se e as políticas, e a propaganda, antiterroristas incidiram sobre a sociedade, modificando comportamentos individuais e coletivos. A associação entre Islamismo e terrorismo foi frequente e a Guerra Contra ao Terror (GCT), promovida pela política externa norte-americana de George W. Bush, contribuiu para difundir uma percepção do terrorismo como uma lógica de ação afeita à violência em si. Isso contrasta com a percepção quanto a grupos terroristas de momentos históricos anteriores, cujo recurso ao terrorismo era compreendido como método de ação com valor instrumental para alcançar objetivos políticos diversos, como a emancipação nacional e a desestabilização de regimes políticos estabelecidos. O estudo de caso da Organização de Xangai (OCX) visa demonstrar que a identificação entre terrorismo e Islã leva ao equívoco de compreender os grupos terroristas contemporâneos islâmicos, com lógicas próprias, como uma fenômeno só o que leva à imprecisão de atribuir ao terrorismo o caráter de primeiro fenômeno macro-securitizado. Este breve histórico da ascensão do terrorismo na agenda política contemporânea, mediante a análise do processo securitizador tanto na GCT quanto na Organização de Cooperação de Xangai, serve como referência para as análises contidas no trabalho que o leitor tem em mãos, uma vez que o sentido atribuído ao terrorismo só pode ser entendido em termos dos atores políticos envolvidos na sua definição e no contexto em qual o fazem. Na OCX, o verificou-se o entendimento do terrorismo como método de ação de grupos separatistas, o que não corresponde à ideia do terrorismo como lógica de ação contida na GCT. / We wrote about our understanding what terrorism, after the September 2001 attacks, is liking as a logic and a method of action. After September 2001, terrorism has achieved a huge projection and has been integrated as a central theme in both the daily press and in international summit meetings. The phenomena was often historically confined to nations facing this problem. After 9/11, the debate has expanded and the political counter-terrorism propaganda was focused on society changing individual and collective behavior. The association between Islam and terrorism was common and the War on Terror (WOT), promoted by the American foreign policy of George W. Bush, helped to spread a perception of terrorism as an logic action of pure violence itself. The contrast between perception of the terrorist groups in previous historical periods, whose thinking to practice to terrorism was understood as an method of action with instrumental value to achieve different policy objectives, such as national emancipation and the destabilization of established political regimes. This study of Shanghai Organization (SCO) seeks to demonstrate the identification between terrorism and Islam leads to misunderstanding of understanding (a lack of comprehension) between the contemporary Islamic terrorist groups, with their own logic, and as a phenomenon only - which leads inaccurate to attribute terrorism to an first macro-securitized phenomenon character. This brief history of the rise of terrorism in contemporary political agenda has been analyzing the securitizer process both in WOT and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. This study serves as a reference about our thinking and analyzes terrorism not only can be understood in terms of the political actors involved in its definition but in the context in which they do. The SCO has a understanding about terrorism like a method of action of separatist groups, which does not correspond to the idea of terrorism as an logic of action contained in the WOT doctrine.

2000-talet markerade födelsen av en ny sorts terrorism. Sedan dess har Europa fått utstå frekventa terrorattacker vilket resulterat i att länder antagit strängare lagar och kontrollåtgärder för att bekämpa terrorismen. Mot bakgrund av detta är uppsatsens syfte att försöka svara på om strängare anti-terrorlagstiftning i Frankrike och Storbritannien kan medföra omfattande begränsningar i människors grundläggande fri-och rättigheter. Genom att använda sig utav en rättsdogmatisk metod och en komparativ metod har uppsatsen kritiskt granskat internationella konventioner, lagstiftningar, rättsfall, vetenskapliga artiklar och doktrin i syfte att besvara följande frågeställningar; vad krävs för att länder ska kunna deklarera allmänt nödläge och således ha en lagstadgad rättighet att derogera från eller begränsa vissa mänskliga rättigheter? Vilka rättsliga åtgärder gällande preventiv häktning och andra kontrollåtgärder har Frankrike och Storbritannien tagit i syfte att bekämpa terrorism och riskerar dess inskränkningar att kränka artikel 5 EKMR? Hur regleras rätten till icke-diskriminering i artikel 14 EKMR?  Uppsatsen har också försökt att svara på om de eventuella begränsningarna av människors rättigheter kan försvaras genom John Finnis rättsteori och tankar om mänskliga rättigheter.                             Den första slutsatsen som nås i uppsatsen är att terrorism kan utgöra ett accepterat allmänt nödläge enligt artikel 15 EKMR då det uppfyller artikelns rekvisit. Därmed är både Frankrikes och Storbritanniens deklarerande av allmänt nödläge accepterat och lagligt enligt artikel 15 EKMR. Uppsatsens andra slutsats slår fast att Frankrikes och Storbritanniens lagstiftningar gällande preventiv häktning kan utgöra en möjlig kränkning av artikel 5 EKMR då lagstiftningarna saknar kravet på förutsägbarhet. Studien har också påvisat att lagstiftningarna gällande preventiva häktningar riskerar att användas för generella misstankar om terrorism vilket också kan utgöra en möjlig kränkning av artikel 5 EKMR. Uppsatsen sista slutsats är att dessa lagstiftningar riskerar att diskriminera vissa samhällsgrupper om de tillämpas på ett felaktigt sätt, t.ex. endast mot icke-medborgare. / The 21st century marked the birth of a new kind of terrorism. Since then, Europe has suffered frequent terrorist attacks, resulting in countries adopting stricter laws and control measures to combat terrorism. The aim of this thesis is therefore to investigate if stricter anti-terrorist legislation in France and Great Britain can lead to unlawful limitations on human rights. The thesis critically examines international conventions, legislation, case law, articles, and doctrine by using an investigative approach and a comparative method to answer the following questions; what is required for countries to declare a state of emergency and thus have a statutory right to derogate from or limit certain human rights? What legal measures regarding preventive detention and other control measures have France and Great Britain adopted to combat terrorism and does the limitations violate Article 5 of the ECHR? How is the right to non-discrimination regulated in Article 14 of the ECHR? The thesis also aims to clarify if any limitations of human rights can be justified by the legal theories of John Finnis.                                                                                                                               In conclusion, the thesis reveals that terrorism can constitute a state of emergency according to Article 15 of the ECHR.  Thus, both France and Great Britain's declarations of states of emergency are accepted and legal in accordance with Article 15 of the ECHR. Furthermore, the thesis states that the legislation in France and Great Britain, which regulate preventive detention, may constitute a possible violation of article 5 ECHR, due to its lack of predictability. The thesis has also shown that the legislation regarding preventive detention may constitute a violation of article 5 ECHR if its applied wrongfully and thus, may also constitute a violation of article 14 ECHR.

因應全球化時代國防安全的多元挑戰，國軍長期以來始終秉持憲法所賦予的使命，不斷精實壯大，期能確保國家利益與安全的終極目標。我國國防已逐步藉由「國防轉型」邁入現代化的新紀元，無論是國防理念、軍事戰略、建軍規劃與願景，都是以「預防戰爭」為依歸，以「有效嚇阻，防衛固守」為戰略構想。國防政策仍以確保國家利益與安全目標為最高準繩，透過施政方針，來達成「預防戰爭」、「國土防衛」、「反恐制變」的基本目標。 本研究目的在於探究恐怖主義相關定義與組織概況和發展趨勢，並檢視國際、區域反恐公約及法令制定與我國參與之情形，另藉由各國反恐軍事特種部隊現況，藉以提供我國修訂反恐專法之參考，補充我國反恐怖行動法第五條之內容。 本研究發現：由於各國政治立場不一，對於恐怖主義的定義亦不盡相同，導致國際恐怖組織發動攻擊之事件頻傳，而各國反恐行動亦以設置反恐特種部隊為主。當然，國際反恐公約之合作趨勢，反映出各國修訂反恐專法的必要性，以收國際反恐法與國內反恐法之成效，惟我國應儘速通過反恐專責法令，以符合法律保留與比例原則。 另方面，我國政府在反恐行動架構中面臨實務操作上之窘境，導致地方政府與中央機關在反恐成效上難保統一行事；而以國軍參與反恐之角色與定位來說：在國防政策基本目標下之國防組織再造，國軍反恐怖協調體系呈現出組織扁平化之架構，且各特勤隊需具備學習型組織之性質，突顯出我國軍事部隊終生教育之必要。 / As the challenges of national security are being more globalized, the Ministry of National Defense of ROC has achieved remarkable success in benefiting the nation and people based on the responsibility under the Constitution. All these improvements and changes carried out in the national defense system are to keep the nation away from war and guard the homeland safely. The main policy still upholds the safeguarding of national interests and security targets as the highest criterion in order to achieve the basic objectives of “war prevention”, “homeland defense”, and “counter-terrorism and contingency response” through policy implementation and directives. The main purpose of this research is to find out the definition and development of terrorism around the world, the international counter-terrorism cooperation, and the role of the R.O.C. in the international counter-terrorism system. Furthermore, this research also provides the patterns of the counter terrorist forces around the world that derives some useful adjustments for the ROC Anti-Terrorism Law. This research discovered that since the political standpoint and the definition of terrorism of each country are different, the special forces of each country are still the main counter-terrorism power. Of course, the international cooperation of anti-terrorism brought each nation to revise its anti-terrorism law. On the other hand, our government has been facing several challenges in bringing our anti-terrorism mechanism into practice. What should be improved now is to put our Anti-Terrorism Law into effect. In addition, as anti-terrorism is a very important issue around the world, further organizational transformation such as organization flattening and continuous education must be accomplished to improve the national defense system.

My thesis examines how metaphors of globalization shape the global governance of the Internet. I consider how, in a short span of time, discussions of the Internet’s globalizing potential have gone from the optimism of the global village to the penchant of the global marketplace to the anxiety of the global war on terror. Building upon Rorty’s theory of metaphors and Foucault’s notion of productive power, I investigate how the shifts in these prevailing metaphors have produced and legitimated different frameworks of global governance. In considering how these patterns of governance have been shaped in the context of a familiar example of globalization, I demonstrate that globalization has an important discursive dimension that works as a constitutive force – not only in Internet governance, but in global governance more generally. By illuminating globalization’s discursive dimensions, this thesis makes an original theoretical contribution to the study of globalization and global governance. It demonstrates that globalization is more than a set of empirical flows: equally important, globalization exists as a set of discourses that reconstitute political legitimacy in more ‘global’ terms. This recasts the conventional understanding of global governance: rather than a response to the challenges posed by the empirical transcendence of territorial borders or the visible proliferation of non-state actors, the aims, institutions and policies of global governance are shaped and enabled by discourses of globalization, and evolve as these discourses change. In short, this thesis provides further insight into globalization’s transformations of state-based political order. It links these transformations to the discursive processes by which systems of global governance are produced and legitimated as sites of power and authority.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Terrorism is the principal threat to global and national security in the post-11 September world. Facing terrorist threats at home and abroad, the United States has declared counterterrorism its top priority. As the United States embarks on its global counterterrorism campaign, it must draw on the experience of other countries. Specifically India, with an extensive history of counterterrorism efforts, can reveal important lessons applicable to America's endeavors. India offers three primary examples of counterterrorism strategies: Punjab, its northeast region, and Kashmir, from which four findings emerge. First, aggressive military operations are central to beating terrorism. Second, economic and social development programs, though not enough to end terrorism alone, are essential components of the larger national strategy. Third, terrorism cannot be stopped without international assistance. Terror networks export personnel, knowledge, weapons and money across international boundaries with growing frequency. This cannot be effectively stopped without a coordinated national and international effort. Fourth, to be successful, a counterterrorism strategy must engender the public's support for the government and promulgate a sense of public ownership to the conflict. By applying these lessons from the Indian case study, America's efforts to end terrorism both domestically and internationally will be significantly more productive. / Captain, United States Air Force

Although both Canada and the United Kingdom had experienced terrorism prior to the attacks that occurred in the United States on September 11, 2001, Roach has argued that the events of that day ‘produced a horrible natural experiment that allows us to compare how international institutions and different countries responded’. Arguably, the most significant international response post-9/11 was the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1373, which set a 90-day deadline for states to implement measures in accordance with the Resolution. Despite the fact that both Canada and the United Kingdom already had in place extensive provisions to deal with terrorism, both countries responded swiftly and their legislative responses reflect the histories and legal, political and social cultures of each country. This thesis tests the hypothesis that national security remains a bastion of national sovereignty, despite the force of international legal instruments like UN Security Council Resolution 1373 and, as such, the evolution of counter-terrorism policies in different jurisdictions is best analyzed and understood as a product of local institutional structures and cultures. To test this hypothesis, this thesis engages in comparative analyses of legal and political structures and cultures within Canada and the United Kingdom. It analyses variations in the evolution of counter-terrorism policies in the two jurisdictions and explores the domestic reasons for them. In its analysis of security certificates and bail with recognizance/investigative hearings in Canada, and detention without trial, control orders and TPIMs in the UK, this thesis reveals how domestic structures and cultures, including the legal system, the relative stability of government, local human rights culture, and geopolitical relationships all influence how counter-terrorism measures evolve.

My thesis examines how metaphors of globalization shape the global governance of the Internet. I consider how, in a short span of time, discussions of the Internet’s globalizing potential have gone from the optimism of the global village to the penchant of the global marketplace to the anxiety of the global war on terror. Building upon Rorty’s theory of metaphors and Foucault’s notion of productive power, I investigate how the shifts in these prevailing metaphors have produced and legitimated different frameworks of global governance. In considering how these patterns of governance have been shaped in the context of a familiar example of globalization, I demonstrate that globalization has an important discursive dimension that works as a constitutive force – not only in Internet governance, but in global governance more generally. By illuminating globalization’s discursive dimensions, this thesis makes an original theoretical contribution to the study of globalization and global governance. It demonstrates that globalization is more than a set of empirical flows: equally important, globalization exists as a set of discourses that reconstitute political legitimacy in more ‘global’ terms. This recasts the conventional understanding of global governance: rather than a response to the challenges posed by the empirical transcendence of territorial borders or the visible proliferation of non-state actors, the aims, institutions and policies of global governance are shaped and enabled by discourses of globalization, and evolve as these discourses change. In short, this thesis provides further insight into globalization’s transformations of state-based political order. It links these transformations to the discursive processes by which systems of global governance are produced and legitimated as sites of power and authority.

The intent of this thesis is to research the anti-terror legislation of 15 countries and the history of terrorist incidents within those countries. Both the anti-terror legislation and the history of terrorist incidents will be researched within the time period of 1980 to 2009, a 30 year span. This thesis will seek to establish a relationship between the occurrence of terrorist events and when states change their anti-terror legislation. Legislation enacted can vary greatly. Common changes in legislation seek to undercut the financing of terrorist organizations, criminalize behaviors, or empower state surveillance capabilities. A quantitative analysis will be performed to establish a relationship between terrorist attacks and legislative changes. A qualitative discussion will follow to analyze specific anti-terror legislation passed by states in response to terrorist events.