This thesis places art heists in the context of their journalistic and online commentaries to examine their implications for subversive anti-capitalist criticism. The 2012 Rotterdam Art Heist functions as a case study that demonstrates how online trolling participates in the production of a culture that undermines the conventional dualisms between popular and high culture. By linking crime and its commentaries to game and performance theories the thesis promotes pop culture against its devaluation by 20th century cultural critics Theodor Adorno and Walter Benjamin. Hence, it argues for folklore’s role in critically rethinking the scholarship on the work of these acclaimed cultural critics. Anti-establishment perspectives are set against bourgeois moments in the Frankfurt School’s critical theory.

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O presente trabalho insere-se no campo interdisciplinar que abrange os domínios da pedagogia e das ciências políticas. O objetivo geral é avaliar o vínculo existente entre uma instituição escolar e um projeto de resistência política. Trata-se do Liceu Autogerido de Paris, instituição escolhida por ser uma escola que apresenta uma proposta radicalmente distinta com relação às outras escolas da rede de ensino da qual faz parte e por conter nessa proposta elementos que podem contribuir para um projeto de emancipação. O estudo apoiou-se em uma pesquisa de campo que buscou mapear esses elementos no cotidiano da instituição. Em seguida, os dados coletados foram confrontados com a pesquisa bibliográfica realizada, que abordou três grupos de autores: no primeiro estão aqueles que auxiliaram a estabelecer um conceito de resistência; no segundo, autores implicados na crítica ao sistema de ensino capitalista; e, por último, autores que discutiram outras experiências que relacionam escola e resistência. Entre os resultados desta pesquisa, está a exposição de uma série de reflexões com relação às práticas escolares e de resistência, destacando-se o papel que possuem no questionamento da forma que o sistemas de ensino assumem hoje / The present work is a part of the interdisciplinary field that covers the domains of pedagogy and political sciences. The overall objective is to evaluate the link between an educational institution and a project of political resistance. We have chosen the Self-managed High School of Paris since this institution presents a radically different proposal relative to other schools of the school system to which it belongs and for containing within this proposal elements which might contribute to an emancipatory project. The study was developed through a field research, which mapped these elements in the institution\'s daily life. Then the collected data was compared with the literature survey, which addressed three groups of authors: the first are those who helped to establish a concept of resistance; in the second, authors involved in the critique of capitalist education system; and, finally, authors who discussed other experiences that relate school and resistance. Among the results of this research, it is the exhibition of a series of reflections regarding school practices and resistance, highlighting the role they have in questioning the way the education systems take today

O presente trabalho insere-se no campo interdisciplinar que abrange os domínios da pedagogia e das ciências políticas. O objetivo geral é avaliar o vínculo existente entre uma instituição escolar e um projeto de resistência política. Trata-se do Liceu Autogerido de Paris, instituição escolhida por ser uma escola que apresenta uma proposta radicalmente distinta com relação às outras escolas da rede de ensino da qual faz parte e por conter nessa proposta elementos que podem contribuir para um projeto de emancipação. O estudo apoiou-se em uma pesquisa de campo que buscou mapear esses elementos no cotidiano da instituição. Em seguida, os dados coletados foram confrontados com a pesquisa bibliográfica realizada, que abordou três grupos de autores: no primeiro estão aqueles que auxiliaram a estabelecer um conceito de resistência; no segundo, autores implicados na crítica ao sistema de ensino capitalista; e, por último, autores que discutiram outras experiências que relacionam escola e resistência. Entre os resultados desta pesquisa, está a exposição de uma série de reflexões com relação às práticas escolares e de resistência, destacando-se o papel que possuem no questionamento da forma que o sistemas de ensino assumem hoje / The present work is a part of the interdisciplinary field that covers the domains of pedagogy and political sciences. The overall objective is to evaluate the link between an educational institution and a project of political resistance. We have chosen the Self-managed High School of Paris since this institution presents a radically different proposal relative to other schools of the school system to which it belongs and for containing within this proposal elements which might contribute to an emancipatory project. The study was developed through a field research, which mapped these elements in the institution\'s daily life. Then the collected data was compared with the literature survey, which addressed three groups of authors: the first are those who helped to establish a concept of resistance; in the second, authors involved in the critique of capitalist education system; and, finally, authors who discussed other experiences that relate school and resistance. Among the results of this research, it is the exhibition of a series of reflections regarding school practices and resistance, highlighting the role they have in questioning the way the education systems take today

This thesis sets out to identify and problematise the Eurocentric proclivities that have characterised various approaches to anti-capitalist thought since the mid-nineteenth century. First, I consider the liberal democratic approaches of Eduard Bernstein and of Jürgen Habermas. Next, I consider the grand narrative approaches of Karl Marx and of Hardt and Negri as an alternative. I highlight the Eurocentric and imperialist tendencies of these approaches, while drawing out a series of considerations that must inform anti-capitalist theory if it is to remain committed to plurality and to anti-imperialist struggles. Finally, I explore the possibility of grounding anti-capitalist politics in the affirmation of the everyday, non-capitalist alternatives that already are being practised by subjects within the interstices of capitalism. I argue that by working to strengthen and proliferate these interstitial alternatives, anti-capitalist politics would not only prove far more accommodating to plurality than the previous approaches considered, but it would also hold far more transformative potential.

The fossil fuel divestment movement is a directed-network campaign that strategically uses economic and ethical arguments to challenge the social license of the fossil fuel industry. Fossil fuel divestment campaigns have become an induction point for the youth climate movement in North America (Grady-Benson & Sarathy, 2015; Rowe et. al., 2016). The analytical and operational approaches to social change employed by the fossil fuel divestment movement are having a ripple effect on the political orientation of a new generation of activists and environmental leaders. This thesis explores concepts and practices of climate justice in the fossil fuel divestment movement on Canadian university campuses, as a flashpoint in the shifting terrain of environmentalism. The research uses qualitative methods to analyze three case study campaigns, as well as supplemental interviews from additional campaign members and national coordinating organizations like 350.org and the Canadian Youth Climate Coalition. This project contributes to a growing body of literature concerned with applied political theory (Rowe et. al., 2016; Schifeling & Hoffman, 2017) and the social impacts of fossil fuel divestment (Bratman et al, 2016; Grady-Benson & Sarathy, 2015; Mangat et al., 2018), providing new insight into the potential of divestment organizing to disrupt dominant narratives of mainstream environmentalism. Fossil fuel divestment organizers are articulating climate justice analysis that calls for transformative system change, including critiques of neoliberal capitalism that are predominantly grounded in climate justice approaches. / Graduate

Submitted by Andrea Hayashi (deachan@gmail.com) on 2016-06-20T18:49:36Z No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao-cicero-lourenco-da-silva.pdf: 1007901 bytes, checksum: a481ea4a3789b3eeaff2c08db5312ba5 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Andrea Hayashi (deachan@gmail.com) on 2016-06-20T18:51:40Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao-cicero-lourenco-da-silva.pdf: 1007901 bytes, checksum: a481ea4a3789b3eeaff2c08db5312ba5 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-20T18:51:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao-cicero-lourenco-da-silva.pdf: 1007901 bytes, checksum: a481ea4a3789b3eeaff2c08db5312ba5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-15 / Este trabalho busca explicitar o percurso da Grande Recusa na obra de Herbert Marcuse. Pontuaremos seu início avant la lettre nos escritos que antecedem Eros e Civilização, (1964) - obra na qual o conceito consolida-se em definitivo na obra do filósofo. Veremos em seguida seu eclipse temporário ante o conformismo político resultante da unidimensionalização do pensamento, que torna o individuo e a cultura reféns do status quo, dificultando a emergência de estratégias de superação. Finalmente, apreciaremos sua concretização na Contra Cultura e na arte, e quais os papeis estratégicos que Marcuse lhes assinala como precursores da emancipação humana. / This writing aims to explain the itinerary of the Great Refusal in the work of Herbert Marcuse. We will focus on its beginnings avant la lettre in the writings preceding Eros and Civilization (1964) – in which work this concept eventually consolidates itself. We will follow then its temporary eclipse before the generalized political conformity resulting from the “onedimensionalization” of thought, which makes both individuals and culture hostage to the existing system, making it hard for overcoming strategies to emerge. Finally, we will analyze its concretization in Counter Culture and art, as well as which strategic roles Marcuse assigns to them as precursors of human emancipation.

This research report examines the relationship between state-sponsored worker co-operatives, local markets and the Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Municipality (EMM, on the East Rand, South Africa) in the 2000s, to examine how state support impacts upon democracy in worker co-operatives (“co-ops”) more generally. Worker co-ops are democratic and voluntary organisations, simultaneously owned and managed by their members (“co-operators”), have a substantial history in South Africa and elsewhere, and have often been seen as a potential alternative to capitalism. But are they? An extensive literature demonstrates market pressures erode co-op democracy (e.g. Philips): to survive, worker co-ops develop increasingly into capitalist enterprises, which fundamentally challenges notions that co-ops can challenge capitalism. Several commentators (e.g. Satgar) admit this problem, but see the solution in state support, which can purportedly shield worker co-ops from the market, so enabling their democratic content and socialist potential to be maintained. This pro-state approach is tested by examining actually-existing worker co-ops in the EMM, where a number of state-sponsored worker co-ops were established from the 2000s; the two most successful co-ops are the subject of this case study. It is shown that, on the contrary, state sponsorship fostered dependency and subtle (and less subtle) forms of state control over the co-ops. Most of the co-operatives failed to survive, as state control foisted upon them impractical goals (e.g. competition in poor community markets with overwhelming rivals,) while creating additional problems (e.g. failing to allocate marketing budgets) and also undermining co-op democracy (e.g. through imposing external priorities on the co-ops). The co-ops that survived remain trapped between state patronage and the capitalist market: unable to ensure accumulation, they remain dependent on the state, but as a result, are continually pushed by the state back into the market. It is not the South African state’s push to constitute the co-ops as black-run capitalist firms that is crucial to this story, but what this push reveals: state sponsorship was irredeemably linked to state control, and it was state control that enabled the state to force its agenda on iii the co-ops in the first place; an alternative state policy framework would simply change the goals imposed. The hierarchical and elitist class logic of the state is fundamentally incompatible with the popular, self-managed logic of worker co-ops. In short, the findings on the interaction of internal co-op dynamics with the state and open market pressures suggest that democratic worker co-ops are basically fundamentally incompatible with both markets and states. They are also fundamentally incapable of transcending either, as their survival requires either emulating capitalism or embracing the state. Lastly, this research report argues that the erosion of democracy in worker co-ops cannot simply be reduced to external forces (the state, the market), although these play a central role in such erosion. Of the two co-ops examined as case studies, one is characterised by authoritarian decision-making, the other by a fairly democratic practice. A key factor in such divergence were the co-operators’ own political and work cultures. Argued Bakunin: while worker co-ops can play a demonstrative role, challenging authoritarian politics by showing the possibility of workers’ self-management, they cannot provide a transformative role, overcoming capitalism or the state. A state-sponsored worker co-ops movement cannot form the heart of a radical, democratic and working class strategy for fundamental change. To answer the research question, the research asks which factors are important in determining the internal democratic or authoritarian form of the co-ops under study. Two state-sponsored worker co-ops are taken as case studies. The first co-op is characterised by authoritarian decision-making, while the other is characterised experiences democratic decision-making. The findings of the research agree with Philip’s (2006) argument that market factors are important in determining the internal form of a co-op. However, this research clearly shows that while market factors are important, they are by no means the sole determinant of the internal dynamics of a co-op. Non-market factors are equally important in determining the internal form of a co-op.

Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of French and Italian, 2009. / Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 30-Xx).

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