This thesis is about the complex relationship between governance, corruption and economic development. It seeks to extend the literature via exploring the complex web of connections between corruption, development and the quality of political institutions in the specific case of Nigeria. In so doing the thesis explores some of the limitations of mainstream approaches to corruption and postulates that, rather than being a simple issue of rent-seeking that requires a prescription of orthodox economic policy reforms, corruption is an issue that requires contextualizing within the evolution of particular political cultures in specific places and a sensitivity to the impacts of culture on the definitions, causes and impacts of corruption. The thesis also reflects upon the impacts of market reforms on the opportunities for corrupt activity and the potential role of civil society in rendering anti-corruption interventions more effective. Accordingly, the thesis places the current high-profile debates over corruption and poor governance in Nigeria within an historical analysis of the patterns of governance in Nigeria over the years since independence in order to understand the intricate issues surrounding the historical, cultural and socio-political context of the problems of governance and corruption and their influence on anti-corruption reforms in the Nigerian context. Data were collected and analyzed using both qualitative and quantitative methods; the methods used in data collection included questionnaires and in particular a series of in-depth semi-structured interviews with key political stakeholders. The analysis culminates in an extensive exploration of the anti-corruption measures and strategies adopted by Nigerian administrations and the efforts of the international organisations which have supported them in tackling corruption.

The primary goal of this thesis is to provide a comparative analysis of the institutional and organizational mechanisms designed to monitor and control political corruption at the national level. The paper will provide comparisons of these arraignments and control systems across three nations. The thesis will identify differences across countries in terms of organizational and institutional political corruption control mechanisms, and use the CPI index to suggest and identify those control mechanisms that appear to be present in nations with low CPI measurements. Finally, the thesis will conclude with the discussion concerning the future prospects for controlling political corruption in Turkey based on the comparative analysis described above.

本論文之研究範圍，主要係以一九四九年十月中共政權成立後，至一九九 五年底為止的反腐敗鬥爭為主，整個論文的章節安排如下： 第一章為緒論。第二章主要介紹改革開放以前的反腐敗鬥爭，包括：中 共政權成立前的反腐敗運動、「三反、五反」運動、四清運動。第三章介 紹改革開放以後至一九八九年間的反腐敗鬥爭，包括：一九八二年起的打 擊經濟領域犯罪運動、一九八三年起的整黨整風運動、一九八五年起的反 官倒運動。第四章係以介紹現階段中共之反腐敗鬥爭為主，從一九八九年 天安門事件起至一九九五年底為止，其中又以一九九三年八月中共中央紀 律檢查委員會第二次全體會議的召開作為一個分界點。第五章，則從理論 面來探討中國大陸的腐敗問題，包括：腐敗產生之因素、表現之形式、造 成之影響及其解決之道。第六章為中共領導人歷年來所發表的重要反腐敗 言論總集成，其間並有中共中央、國務院相關之反腐敗決議案。第七章為 結論，文中筆者提出個人對於中共反腐敗鬥爭之看法以及筆者造訪中國大 陸部分見聞，最後則為吾人對中國大陸之期許及建議。

On November 18th 2011, China enact detail rules on the management of governmental vehicle procurement list. Few months later, on February 24th 2012, an unprecedented governmental vehicle procurement list was published. The procurement list includes 412 types of vehicles which are all China's own brands. This research analyzes the effect of this governmental vehicle procurement list on the sales of listed vehicle given the background of Xi Jinping's anti-corruption campaign. The empirical evidence shows that when Xi Jinping launched preliminary policy in December 2012, increased sales of vehicle being on the procurement list in 2013 are averagely 45.5 cars per month more compared to increased sales of unlisted vehicles. Also, the market share of listed vehicle can be witnessed a steady increase over time.

Magister Legum - LLM

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(経済学) / 甲第22026号 / 経博第603号 / 新制||経||290(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院経済学研究科経済学専攻 / (主査)教授 矢野 剛, 教授 塩地 洋, 准教授 高野 久紀 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Economics / Kyoto University / DGAM

The main objective of this study is to isolate the loopholes in Kenya’s anti-corruption machinery and explore mechanisms of sealing them. This study is particularly momentous as it seeks to explore and outline what lessons Kenya could derive from Botswana in order to realign its anti-corruption strategies so that it can achieve high levels of integrity in the public service. It is believed that this study will positively contribute to efforts by the Kenyan government, and by other African states similarly situated, to comprehensively address the high prevalence of corruption in the continent. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2007. / A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr Paulo Comoane od the Faculdade de Direito, Universidade Eduardo Mondlane, Maputo, Mocambique. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Magister Legum - LLM / Corruption, or ‘the abuse of entrusted power for private gain’,1 has been identified by the World Bank as one of the greatest obstacles to economic and social development.2 In Uganda, widespread corruption limits access to and the quality of public services3 and undermines development.4 In the presence of weak monitoring and accountability institutions and sophisticated networks of collaborators, both petty and grand corruption thrive.5 In a 2013 survey conducted in Uganda, 82 percent of the respondents expressed the belief that corruption was entrenched in society.6 In recent years, the perception of the existence of corruption in Uganda has been consistently high, ranging from 25 percent in 2015 and 2016 to 26 percent in 2017 and 2018 (where 0 percent is highly corrupt and 100 percent is very clean).

Magister Legum - LLM / Annually, money laundering costs global financial markets $2.5 trillion. Money laundering is especially problematic in that it results in a plethora of socioeconomic problems including poor economic performance and an upsurge in crime. In fact, predicate crimes such as corruption, drug trafficking, tax evasion, smuggling, fraud, and terrorism are so embedded within money laundering so much so that combatting either is a complicated task. Although it is a daunting endeavour, best practice teaches that multilateral and international cooperation are most effective at fighting money laundering. For that reason, establishing locally sensitive and yet internationally focussed anti-money laundering regimes is a priority for numerous countries.

Corruption is an increasingly important factor in development. Despite a range of initiatives to address the issue, few anti-corruption initiatives to date have had a positive impact. Popular definitions of corruption are reductive, normative, and economics-based, and common ways of addressing corruption are also deficient. In addition, local contextual factors are often not taken into consideration in anti- corruption initiatives. The present study focuses on the most influential non- governmental organization in the anti-corruption industry, Transparency International (TI). The study is based on a social constructivist approach to knowledge and employs a combination of Norman Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis and Philipp Mayring’s qualitative content analysis to a single TI initiative to answer the question Do Transparency International’s youth anti-corruption initiatives neglect local contextual factors? The study’s findings are inconclusive: Social actors’ agency is encouraged, but cultural norms are neglected.