1 Abstract The diploma thesis deals with the establishment of a settlement zone in the Russian Empire. This is an interesting topic, because there was no such thing in other states. It is difficult to compare the Pale of settlement with the ghettos that existed in Europe. The first chapter describes the origin of Pale of settlement itself. The second chapter discuss the general definition of Pale of settlement and the issue of translation of this term into the Czech language. The third chapter focuses on the historical context, the main emphasis is put on the legislation in Russia that was enacted in relation to Jews. It is also very important to mention the attitude to Jews of each tsar and official, because then their attitude was reflected in the laws. The last chapter presents an attempt to formulate the causes of Pale of settlement. The work is based mainly on contemporary literature and contemporary legislative activity, which gives the opportunity to best understand the attitude of the Russian government to the Jews of the Russian Empire. As a result, it can be assumed that Anti-Judaism, which went through its own age development, but from the beginning played only a small role, was very widespread in Russia. Therefore, it had little effect on the establishment of Pale of settlement. The main reason...

This study examines how teachers view their teaching about anti-Semitism in the subject of social studies in Swedish upper secondary schools. To analyze teaching on anti-Semitism, this study develops an analytical framework that makes it possible to describe and discuss the content, challenges, and didactic tensions found in this type of teaching. The applied method in the study is qualitative interviews. Two main results were drawn from the study. First, the study shows that anti-Semitism is often understood and taught from a historical and individualistic point of view. Second, that general teaching about racism is often prioritized over specific teaching on anti-Semitism of today. In sum, teaching on anti-Semitism in social studies seems characterized by a notion of that the issue belongs to another time, place, or school subject.

Följande uppsats handlar om ungdomars syn på judar och antisemitism utifrån ett socialkonstruktivistiskt perspektiv. Syftet är att nå en förståelse kring hur ungdomar erfar sin omvärld, såväl för att finna de bidragande faktorerna som leder till fördomar, intolerans och antisemitism som för att utröna vilka erfarenheter de har från sin tid på gymnasiet. Resultatet visar att den föreställningsvärld de fyra intervjuade ungdomarna har, skapats utifrån familj och närmiljö och att antisemitism i hög grad är kopplad till Israel-Palestina konflikten. Vidare pekar resultatet på bristande värdegrundsarbete inom gymnasieskolan.

While this study purports to offer nothing new or original to the enormous body of research pertaining to Nazism, the purpose of this thesis is to provide an examination of the political core contained in this particular ideology. The components of National Socialism and their ultimate effect on Germany will be the major focus of this thesis. Nazism, as a political ideology, was an extreme force that shook the foundations of the twentieth-century world. After an intensive survey of the literature in this field, the author realized that little could be added. The objective, here, is to examine the historical roots from which Nazism developed, its ideological core, and its effect upon the German state.

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This thesis focuses on how well Hatescan, a hate speech detector built on the same Natural Language Processing and AI algorithms used in most online hate speech detectors, can detect different categories of antisemitism as well as whether or not it is worse at detecting implicit antisemitism than explicit antisemitism. The ability of hate speech detectors to detect antisemitic hate speech is a pressing issue. Jews have not only persevered through unparalleled historical oppression, but additionally, antisemitism is very much alive and kicking online, which poses not only a direct threat to individual Jews themselves (since there is a clear link between antisemitic expressions and antisemitic violence) but to the idea of liberal democracy itself. This thesis evaluated the efficacy of the hate speech detector, Hatescan, regarding its ability to detect antisemitism and to assess whether or not it was better or worse at detecting explicit antisemitism or implicit antisemitism, expressed in Swedish. Thus, the research questions posed for this thesis were: 1. How well does Hatescan detect antisemitism? 2. Is Hatescan equally efficient at detecting different categories of antisemitism? 3. Is Hatescan equally efficient at detecting implicit antisemitism and explicit antisemitism? To answer these questions, this thesis used the research strategy experiment, the data collection method documents, qualitative analysis methods (discourse analysis) for annotation, and quantitative analysis methods (descriptive statistics) for calculating performance metrics (precision, recall, F1-score, and accuracy). A dataset was created using three other previously existing datasets containing hate speech expressed in Swedish on Reddit, Flashback, and Twitter. The data collected was collected used search terms presumed to appear in antisemitic content. The datasets were created by the supervisor of this thesis and her research team for use in previous studies. These datasets were combined and made into one dataset (in a spreadsheet). Duplicates were deleted, adn each remaining sentence was annotated according to hatefulness, category of antisemtism and explicit versus implicit antisemitism. Each sentence was manually run through Hatescan’s web interface to generate a Hatescan output and said output was documented in the spreadsheet containing the data. Based on a threshold of 70% for generated Hatescan output, the Hatescan output for each sentence was annotated as either being a true positive, false positive, false negative, or true negative using IFS formulas in the spreadsheet. Precision, recall, and F1-score were calculated for the dataset as a whole, and accuracy rates were calculated for all categories of antisemitism as well as for explicit and implicit antisemitism. Results showed that while performance metrics on the antisemitic dataset (precision 0.93, recall 0.85, F1-score 0.89) were similar to the performance metrics in the development of Hatescan (precision 0.89, recall 0.94, F1-score 0.91), there were significant differences in accuracy between the different annotated categories in the dataset (accuracy ranging from 27 percent to 92 percent).

Uppsatsen är en analys av den svenska politiska aktivisten Per Engdahl och hans rörelsers ideologiska innehåll. Engdahl som föddes 1909 och avled 1994 var under hela sitt liv verksam i olika svenska fascistiska och högerextrema organisationer såsom Sveriges Fascistiska Kamporganisation, Riksförbundet det Nya Sverige, Sveriges Nationella Förbund, Riksföreningen Sverige-Tyskland, Svensk Opposition, Europäische Soziale Bewegung samt Nysvenska Rörelsen. Dessutom utgav han under nästan 50 år tidningen Vägen Framåt. Studien omfattar perioden 1931 till 1950. Fyra olika politiska program samt fyra ledarartiklar ur Vägen Framåt, från 1942 alla författade av Engdahl, har analyserats. Metoden har varit ideologianalys speciellt med hjälp av textanalys.Studiens syfte är att utifrån teorin om generisk fascism undersöka Per Engdahl och hans organisationers ideologiska grund. En sådan analys har inte tidigare genomförts utan Engdahl har betecknats som fascist eller nazist utifrån empiriska studier av organisationerna och inte på grundligare studier av hans idéer.Till idéhistorikern Lena Bergrens minimidefinition av generisk fascism har jag i min definition lagt till begreppet auktoritär och ersatt holistisk till metafysisk. Den lyder sålunda: Fascismen är en ultranationalistisk revolutionär och auktoritär ideologi med metafysiska och synkretistiska pretentioner som syftar till att skapa ett radikalt nytt samhälle och en ny typ av människa.Utifrån denna definition och andra centrala begrepp i fascismen betraktar jag Per Engdals ideologi som fascistisk under den undersökta perioden 1931 till 1950. Jag anser även att Engdahl var antisemit under perioden 1931 till 1942 och att han regelbundet spred rasideologiska idéer i sina texter fram till och med 1950. / This work is an ideological analyse of the Swedish political activist Per Engdahl and his different organizations. Engdahl was born 1909 and died 1994. He was active his whole life in different Swedish fascist an extreme right-wing organizations as Sweden’s Fascist Combat Organization, The National Federation the New Sweden, The National Swedish Association, The National Association Sweden-Germany, Swedish Opposition, The European Social Movement and The New Swedish Movement. He was also the publisher, for almost 50 years, of the political paper The Way Forwards. This study extends from 1931 to 1950. I have analysed four different political manifests and four editorials dated 1942 from his paper The Way Forwards. My method is primarily an ideology analysis including text analysis.The purpose of the study is to use the theory of generic fascism on Per Engdahls texts to find out the ideology can be defined as fascism. An analysis like this has not been done before but Engdahl has primarily been labelled as a Fascist or Nazi from empirical studies of his organizations and not by more thoroughly studies of his ideas.From the historian of ideas Lena Berggren I have borrowed her mini definition of generic fascism. But I have added the term authoritarian and substitute holistic with metaphysical. My definition reads: Fascism is an extreme nationalistic revolutionary and authoritarian ideology with metaphysical and syncretistic pretension which aims at a radical new society and an new type of individual.From this definition and other central concepts of Fascism I will define Per Engdahls ideology as fascism during the examined period from 1931 to 1950. I also see Engdahl as an anti-Semite during 1931 to 1942 and that he also constantly spread racism within texts and programmes until the end of the examination 1950.

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This study looks at the meeting between secularization, Christian political mobilization, and national socialism in Western Sweden during the first half of the twentieth century. The study follows the ideological developments of the Christian newspaper Göteborgs Stifts-Tidning, their organization into the political party Kyrkliga Folkpartiet and their increasing ties to both the Swedish and German national socialism parties and ideologies during the 1930s. Using a hermeneutical method, the study examines the newspaper Göteborgs Stifts-Tidning over almost 40 years to track ideological developments and a changing world view. The results showthat Göteborg Stifts-Tidning saw itself as upholders and defenders of religion against the forces of secularization brought in by the modern political parties, particular socialism, later the jews. They viewed the conservatives and later the national socialists as possible allies against secularization.