Months were spent researching and preparing this four-part series on the dramatic events surrounding NELSON MANDELA, the life-term prisoner who has cast a larger than life shadow on South African politics. Staff writer DENNIS CRUYWAGEN travelled extensively to interview at first hand — or by other means, where necessary — those stalwart ANC veterans who were convicted in the Rivonia Treason Trial and jailed with Mandela. He talked, too, to members of the Mandela family, politicians, lawyers and many others who were close to or knowledgeable about the ANC leader. Official records and other sources on the life and times of Nelson Mandela were also consulted. Compiling the vast amount of information sometimes led to unusual situations. For instance, Mrs Winnie Mandela, always pressed for time, was interviewed — not in her home in Diepkloof, Soweto, as arranged but in a hired car in a Johannesburg traffic jam while following a vehicle driven by her driver. She was late for another appointment. Drawn from various sources this series sets out to reconstruct an overview of 25 years and more of political and personal drama, passion and poignancy. / Supplement to The Argus, Tuesday February 6 1990 / Exclusive Part 1

Thesis (M.Dev.) --University of Limpopo, 2003.

Thesis (Ph.D. (African Languages)) -- University of Limpopo, 1999 / Refer to the document / Alma Mater Fund Scholarship, University of the North TELP and Research offices

Thesis (M.A. (Sociology)) -- University of Limpopo, 2000 / Please refer to the document

Thesis (M.A.) -- University of Limpopo, 2008. / The Black youth struggled against the apartheid regime as the title indicates because as Blacks the policy made them to suffer. They were oppressed in the country of their birth. Before the militant youth involvement in the liberation struggle in the 1970s there were a few Black youths who tried to force the government to relinquish its policy. They were unsuccessful. This was because they were opposed to the government as members of the various Black organisations. They were not united. SASO with its Black Consciousness philosophy brought unity amongst all the Black youth and put them on the vanguard of the struggle. These youth did not just mobilize and unite Blacks (organisation and non organisation members) through public criticism of the apartheid system. They also mounted physical attacks on enemy targets such as police stations etc. South Africa became ungovernable. This resistance compelled the government to release political prisoners and to relinquish power in 1994.

Since the outbreak of the Soweto uprising in 1976 there has been a noticeable change in the thinking of the South African government. This change has been evident in the departure from classical Verwoerdian apartheid to reform apartheid where the state has increasingly undertaken a programme of restructuring of political positions. The main strategy has been to co-opt blacks into statutory bodies such as the homelands, the tricameral parliament and town councils. In response to this shift in policy, blacks have intensified resistance to reform apartheid by forming a number of "extra-system" organisations which have constituted the extra parliamentary opposition. Co-optive reforms have not been limited only to the political sphere, a number of social and economic measures intended to accommodate 'qualifying' blacks have also been introduced notably by the private sector. For instance, private corporations have attempted to 'deracialise' positions at work by instituting 'black advancement' programmes to integrate the workforce and allow for occupational mobility across all races. Further, there has been a measure of relaxation in the social sphere: petty apartheid in the form of restrictions on mixed audiences in places of entertainment has been abolished, the Immorality Act and the Mixed Marriages Act are no longer on the statute book and private schools as well as white liberal universities opened their doors to black pupils and students. The main objective of this thesis has been to establish how the African elites who qualify as the 'main beneficiaries' of these changes react to reform. The thesis is, therefore, a reflection of the attitudes of 93 respondents selected from the professional and managerial ranks, community leaders and opinion-makes in the Pretoria-Witwatersrand Vereeniging Complex in the Transvaal, the Durban-Pietermaritzburg region in Natal, and from the Eastern Cape. This almost covers the main urban metropolitan complexes excluding the Western Cape and the Orange Free State, and therefore, almost represents a national survey of African elites. Findings drawn from the data indicate that, in the main, African elites reject co-optation as an avenue of inclusion into the 'centre' of power primarily on political grounds. In the views of the majority of the subjects in this thesis, the solution to the national question is critical to any strategy of accommodation, and this precedes any other arrangements - economic educational etc. This 'primacy of the political' refutes any suggestions that a subordinate group may be won over through economic and status rewards without attending to the basic issues of human rights which are, in essence, political. Secondly, the findings demonstrate that co-optation as a hegemonic, strategy has not achieved the intended objectives. It has failed to legitimate a process of elite incorporation in spite of derived status and power that accrue to the beneficiaries as individuals. The subjects aligned themselves with the extra-parliamentary opposition as ideological opponents of apartheid including reform apartheid both in terms of policy and strategy. The thesis ends with three scenarios. The first postulates the failure of co-optation as a strategy and examines the possibility of non-collaboration as a successful substitute. This is, however, not possible in the immediate future given the power of the state on the one side and the weaknesses on the part of the extra-parliamentary opposition on the other, particularly at the level of organisation, and discipline as well as the capacity to deliver the requisite material goods and services to the masses. The second scenario projects a situation where co-optation succeeds. This is, again, a difficult scenario to realise given the massive opposition against the present state and the inability of the South African government, as is presently constituted, to address basic issues of human rights, issues which lie at the bottom of the present crisis. Finally, the remaining option is that the stalemate continues but with the possibility that both the present government and the extra-parliamentary opposition seek ways to reach workable alternatives as is crystalised in the pre-negotiations that are presently taking place. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1991.

No abstract available. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Durban-Westville, 2003.

Thesis (MA (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2004. / In this research the early development of the Black Sash is briefly explored, together with how it altered over time. Changes in the internal structures and its effect on the membership are benchmarked, together with the reasons and reasoning that compelled the organization to undertake a complete restructuring. An in-depth study is made of the disorientation brought about by the collapse of apartheid. Particular attention is paid to the resistance to, and ultimate acceptance of, the inevitability of offering a professionalized service. Attention is focused on the relationship between the Black Sash as a white women’s protest movement and the wider white community, content in the main to support apartheid. The degree to which the Black Sash was accepted by the black community as an equal partner in the struggle for a democratic South Africa is discussed and the criteria by which the organization has been evaluated. In addition, liberalism, per se, is evaluated from a “grassroots” perspective. From 1973, socio-economic developments in the wider society saw many Black Sash members returning to the workplace. This left them with little or no time to offer the organization during formal working hours. In order for the work to continue, paid staff had to be employed to augment the volunteer component. During the 1986 States of Emergency, members of banned organizations joined the Black Sash, and it became an amalgam of different views, generations and political opinion. This represented a significant ontological shift and altered its character in the eyes of the public, but also created internal fissures. The focus of this research is on the response of the Black Sash and its membership to the changing environment in which it was forced to function. By the 1980s, members were finding it difficult to relate to the new protest movements that were rapidly gaining black support and the black on black violence. Ultimately, except for its service arm, namely the advice offices, it emerged as an organization in limbo, appealing neither to the white minority nor the black majority. Women from other race groups, whose membership would have corrected the demographic imbalance, were reluctant to join a predominantly white organization with a tangible camaraderie, built up over the years as a result of members’ shared backgrounds and experiences. This threatened its effectiveness as an advocacy group, and access to the funding that was a vital element in its survival. Structural changes offered the only solution. One of the intentions of this research is to draw attention to the reinvented Black Sash Trust. As a multi-racial, multi-gender, professionalized NGO, managed and staffed by salaried personnel of all age groups, with minimal white volunteer input, it has replaced the two-tiered membership based structure, with a semiprofessional service arm. Having redefined its role and as the end product of slow, almost imperceptible but unavoidable innovations over time, it is developing its own identity, which encompasses much of the original Black Sash ethos.

The Inkatha movement has received, large publicity over the few years since its revival and especially recently with the formation of an alliance between Inkatha, the ("Coloured") labour Party and the ("Indian") Reform Party, Thi3 paper was done to suggest a possible approach, for discussion, to the analysis of current political, ideological and economic developments in the reserve areas of the South African social formation. More specifically the paper hopes to provide information that could be relevant to an analysis of developments in the kwaZulu region. An elaboration of the hints at an approach, integration of factors relating to the stage of capitalism in the South African social formation and class struggle would have made this a more satisfactory paper for discussion. The approach adopted has to be extremely tentative at this stage, both because of the immediate and obvious problems associated with contemporary research and analysis (It is even less possible to approach the subject with "objectivity", to "distance oneself from it", than is the case with topics that can more properly be called "history") but also because of the dearth of material available on the reserve "homeland" areas and the difficult y of doing research in these areas. (Wages Commission research into conditions on wattle plantations, Cosmas Desmond and others and their work on resettlement etc., and subsequent responses to these investigations, give some idea of the sensitivity of thin work), In the first section I will introduce certain concepts relating to an analysis of the "homelands" through some recent writing on these areas. References will be to the kwaZulu region. The second section deal.3 specifically with the Inkatha movement. Information relating to this movement is provided and one issue is presented in greater detail, hut no rigorous attempt is mado to apply the mode of analysis of the first section to the issues around the position of 'Inkatha. Indicators exist but with so many dynamics operative they can be no more than that. However, I do not believe that it is possible to understand the political, economic and ideological developments in the "homelands" without keeping the questions raised in the first section in mind - and definitely impossible to come to an adequate understanding if these areas are looked at in isolation, ie if apparently "internal" events and processes are not situated within a context broadly defined by the specific stage of the development of capitalism in South Africa (monopoly dominance), and without keeping in mind the history of class struggle within the social formation. / Class formation in the South African reserve areas: Inkatha - a study

This study investigates the spatial planning of racial residential segregation in King William's Town, induding its former homeland township of Zwelitsha, from 1826 to 1991. The first settlement in the 'white' King William's Town, Brownlee Mission Station, was established in 1826.The town of King William's Town was developed from this settlement. The racial laws which were applied to segregate blacks nationally and locally came to an end in 1991. Primary sources of information were used to determine whether King William's Town was planned along racial lines and to determine the major role players who formulated and implemented the policy. Key sources were archival material, newspapers, maps, interviews, Deeds Office files and the work of other scholars. The establishment of the towm from its genesis as a mission station and a military base is traced and the effects of this legacy on racial separation is detailed. It was found that racial planning of residential areas in King William's Town had been practised in this small town for a long time (prior to the Group Areas Act). The implementation of this policy was marked by forced removal of blacks from areas which were regarded as being for whites. These predominently African concentrations on the east bank of the Buffalo River were relocated to the west bank which was regarded as a black area.An anomalous incident was discovered in this study namely that these racial removals took place before the central state introduced national policy which compelled all local states to plan their residential areas along ethnic considerations. In parallel with the practice of segregation in King William's Town, the township of Zwelitsha was developed adjacent to the town by the government. As this thesis reveals, the development of Zwelitsha was intimately related to that of King William's Town. The major role players in planning residential areas on racial basis were identified as the municipal Council of King William's Town. They were involved in planning racially segregated areas before and after the Group Areas Act. They (the Council) succeeded in closing all freehold locations in the town (1940) and forced the residents to become their tenants who rented dwellings in the west bank municipal location. There were attempts to incorporate this municipal location into the neighbouring homeland township of Zwelitsha. This move was eventually accomplished when all townships in the vicinity of King William's Town were amalgamated to form King William's Town Transitional Local Council in terms of the Local Government Transition Act of 1994 (Government Gazette No. 15468 of 2nd February 1994).