This thesis explores an applicative approach to two constructions in Chinese: the “oblique object” construction and the double object construction (DOC). The DP following the verb in an “oblique object” construction has generally been viewed as an object of the verb; however, its properties, especially object-associated properties, have not been tested systematically. This study tests the properties of the oblique object, and finds that the oblique object in the “oblique object” construction differs from a typical theme object in a range of syntactic properties. Pylkkänen (2002) hypothesizes that applicatives fall into two categories, high applicatives and low applicatives. Syntactically, the high applicative head is merged above the VP, with the VP as complement and the applied argument as specifier; semantically, high applicatives denote a relation between the applied argument and the event described by the VP. Low applicatives are base-generated within the VP, merging with the direct object as complement and the applied argument as specifier; semantically, a low applied argument bears a transfer-of-possession relation to the direct object. According to Huang (2007), Chinese has two types of DOCs, giving DOCs and stealing DOCs. Giving DOCs indicate situations in which the indirect object is given something or some advantage; stealing DOCs express situations in which the indirect object suffers some loss, or is adversely affected. In analyzing Chinese DOCs from an applicative approach on the basis of Pylkkänen’s high/low applicative hypothesis, Cheng and Wen (2008) suggest that Chinese DOCs are high applicatives, while Sun and Li (2010) suggest that they are low applicatives. This thesis suggests a finer classification of Chinese DOCs, and shows that Chinese DOCs include both high and low applicatives. Specifically, giving DOCs can be analyzed as low recipient applicatives. Stealing DOCs in which the indirect object bears a possessive relation to the theme can be analyzed as low source applicatives, and stealing DOCs in which the indirect object bears no direct semantic relation to the theme correspond to high malefactive applicatives. / Graduate

This work concentrates on the requirements of the computational system of HL, by developing the idea that Natural Law applies to universal syntactic principles. The systems of efficient growth are for the continuation of motion and maximal distance between the elements. The condition of maximization accounts for the properties of syntactic trees - binary branching, labeling, and the EPP. NL justifies the basic principle of organization in Merge: it provides a functional explanation of phase formation and thematic domains. In Optimality Theory, it accounts for the selection of a particular word order in languages. A comprehensive and definitive understanding of the principles underlying MP will eventually lead to a more advanced design of OT.

The study of Sumerian has traditionally been carried out in isolation from mainstream linguis- tics, thus limiting our ability to understand the language and to situate it in a cross-linguistic context. This dissertation shows how the tools of corpus linguistics and modern syntactic the- ory can be gainfully applied to Sumerian. Existing corpora of Sumerian texts are largely lacking in morphological annotation, with query facilities consisting only of basic string searches. Two existing corpora (one completely unannotated and one tagged for part-of-speech) are given morphological annotation using a process of query-based annotation. A query language (based on CQL and XPath) is used to query this corpus, and as queries are made, the results are tagged so that the resultant query objects can be used as the basis for subsequent queries. In this fashion a morphologically- annotated corpus is built up without having to rely on the services of a skilled annotator. This annotated corpus is then used to provide evidence for two important problems in Sumerian morphosyntax: the dimensional prefixes and the conjugation prefixes. The dimen- sional prefixes, which have previously been considered to represent concord between the verb and the associated nominal phrases, are shown instead to be a system of applicative heads which serve to introduce the verb’s arguments. The conjugation prefixes, whose purpose has been the subject of a century of debate, are shown to be the manifestation of inner aspect features which express the speaker’s perspective on the structure of the event. By using a corpus to provide the underlying data and by considering Sumerian morphosyntax in light of cross-linguistic evidence and modern syntactic theory, previously misanalysed aspects of Sumerian are shown to have analogues in other languages. The dimensional prefixes and conjugation prefixes are not oddities specific to Sumerian, but represent variations on morphological systems found elsewhere.

The study of Sumerian has traditionally been carried out in isolation from mainstream linguis- tics, thus limiting our ability to understand the language and to situate it in a cross-linguistic context. This dissertation shows how the tools of corpus linguistics and modern syntactic the- ory can be gainfully applied to Sumerian. Existing corpora of Sumerian texts are largely lacking in morphological annotation, with query facilities consisting only of basic string searches. Two existing corpora (one completely unannotated and one tagged for part-of-speech) are given morphological annotation using a process of query-based annotation. A query language (based on CQL and XPath) is used to query this corpus, and as queries are made, the results are tagged so that the resultant query objects can be used as the basis for subsequent queries. In this fashion a morphologically- annotated corpus is built up without having to rely on the services of a skilled annotator. This annotated corpus is then used to provide evidence for two important problems in Sumerian morphosyntax: the dimensional prefixes and the conjugation prefixes. The dimen- sional prefixes, which have previously been considered to represent concord between the verb and the associated nominal phrases, are shown instead to be a system of applicative heads which serve to introduce the verb’s arguments. The conjugation prefixes, whose purpose has been the subject of a century of debate, are shown to be the manifestation of inner aspect features which express the speaker’s perspective on the structure of the event. By using a corpus to provide the underlying data and by considering Sumerian morphosyntax in light of cross-linguistic evidence and modern syntactic theory, previously misanalysed aspects of Sumerian are shown to have analogues in other languages. The dimensional prefixes and conjugation prefixes are not oddities specific to Sumerian, but represent variations on morphological systems found elsewhere.

In the Bantu language Kinyarwanda, the morpheme –ish can be used to mark both causation and the instrumental applicative. This report pro- poses an explanation for this causative-instrumental syncretism, arguing that both causation and the introduction of an instrument are—at their core—two outgrowths of the same semantic notion. Fitting with other morphological causatives in Bantu, the causative use of –ish patterns as a lexical causative marker. The analysis presented here captures the lex- ical nature of the causative use of the morpheme by arguing that the new causal link is added sub-lexically, situating Kinyarwanda into a cross- linguistic typology of morphological causatives. / text

This dissertation first addresses various shortcomings in definitions of “applicative” when compared to what is actually found across languages. It then proposes a four-way distinction among applicative constructions, relevant at least to Bantu, a large family of languages spoken in Sub-Saharan Africa. Because of the gradual nature of historical change, differences among construction types may be somewhat graded. In what are called Type A applicative constructions, the applicative morpheme expands the argument structure of its root by introducing an obligatorily present applied phrase. This expansion might result, but need not, in increased syntactic valence of the derived verb stem. Type A includes cases where the applicative on a lexicalized applicative stem still has the ability to introduce an applied phrase. In Type B applicative constructions, the applicative expands the argument structure of its root by introducing an obligatorily present applied phrase and performs other semantic/pragmatic functions on the applied phrase or on the whole clause (e.g. the applied phrase becomes the narrow-focused constituent in the clause). As in Type A, syntactic valence might be increased, but need not be. In Type C applicative constructions, the applicative does not introduce an applied phrase. Instead, it provides semantic nuances to the lexical meaning of its root (e.g. the action described by the root is performed to completion, repetitively, in excess, etc.). Unlike Type A and Type B, Type C constructions are not fully productive and may undergo lexicalization. Fourthly, in Pseudo-applicative constructions, the applicative morpheme found on a lexicalized stem does not introduce an applied phrase and does not perform semantic and/or pragmatic functions described for Type B and Type C. Because the last type, especially, has not been acknowledged in prior literature, the dissertation presents a historically informed case study of 78 pseudo-applicative forms in Tswana (S31), a southern Bantu language spoken in Botswana and South Africa. Finally, this study argues that both the synchronic functions of the Bantu applicative suffix *-ɪd and the lexicalization paths emerging from the study of Tswana pseudo-applicative forms support an original Location/Goal function of *-ɪd in Proto-Bantu, rather than an original Beneficiary function.

Este trabalho revisita as sentenças bitransitivas do Português do Brasil (PB) a partir de dois aspectos que consideramos ser fundamentais para descrever e explicar a bitransitividade nessa língua: (a) a possibilidade de alternância entre as preposições a e para na introdução do elemento indireto e (b) a possibilidade de alternância na ordem dos complementos do predicado verbal. Nesse mesmo sentido, surgem como questão os dados do dialeto falado no português da Zona da Mata Mineira (PBM), já atestado e investigado em Scher (1996), em que verificamos a possibilidade de omissão da preposição, mas uma manutenção da possibilidade de alternância da ordem dos complementos verbais. Para dar conta do primeiro aspecto em questão, apoiamo-nos na proposta de núcleos funcionais Aplicativos introdutores de argumento nos moldes de Pylkkänen (2002). A escolha teórica se justifica pelo fato de a presença da preposição a gerar sentenças não-ambíguas em que uma relação semântica de transferência de posse, representada por um Aplicativo Baixo, nos termos de Pylkkänen (2002), é estabelecida entre os dois complementos verbais. A escolha da preposição para, por outro lado, gera sentenças ambíguas entre essa mesma relação de transferência de posse e o estabelecimento de uma espécie de beneficiário do evento, esse último representado por um Aplicativo Alto, também nos termos de Pylkkänen (2002). A partir daí, propomos que os argumentos de um verbo bitransitivo são inseridos via uma projeção funcional que licencia ambos os elementos e estabelece a relação semântica adequada entre eles. Para o PB, a nossa proposta é a de que a preposição seja a realização fonológica do núcleo da projeção Aplicativa. Mais especificamente para a variante do PBM, a nossa análise é a de que o mesmo núcleo Aplicativo esteja presente, sem a realização fonológica da preposição, mas com a mesma constituição de traços formais das sentenças do PB. A hipótese que daí se segue é que uma operação morfológica, sem consequências sintáticas, seja responsável pela ausência dessa preposição. Um modelo teórico separacionista, em que a sintaxe trabalha com traços formais e não fonológicos e em que a inserção de fonologia acontece depois de operações sintáticas e morfológicas, tal como a Morfologia Distribuída (Halle & Marantz, 1993), surge, então, como perspectiva de análise. Para dar conta da possibilidade de alternância na ordem dos complementos em sentenças bitransitivas do PB e do PBM, propomos, então, que aspectos informacionais sejam responsáveis pelo licenciamento dessas estruturas. Sugerimos, com Scher (1996), que a ordem VPPNP, no PB e, possivelmente, VNPNP, no PBM, em entonação normal, revela o caráter de Tópico do elemento colocado entre o verbo e o objeto direto e, assim, finalizamos nossa proposta apoiadas em Armelin (2009), em especial, no quadro teórico do modelo cartográfico, nos moldes de Rizzi (1997) e Belletti (2002). Esses autores, explodindo respectivamente CP e a periferia de VP, encontram aí crucialmente posições informacionais de Foco e Tópico. A nossa proposta, nesse sentido, é a de que o aspecto informacional, a saber, a movimentação de um elemento para a posição de especificador da projeção de Tópico, será responsável pelo licenciamento da ordem VPPNP nos dados do PB. / This work revisits ditransitive sentences in Brazilian Portuguese (BP) guided by two fundamental aspects on the description and explanation of the ditransitivity in this language: (a) the possibility of the alternation between the prepositions a (to) and para (for) in the introduction of the indirect element and (b) the possibility of alternation in the order of the verbal predicate complements. In this sense, the data of a Brazilian dialect spoken at the Zona da Mata Mineira (PBM), attested and investigated in Scher (1996), emerge as a question. In this dialect it is possible to omit the preposition even if the possibility of verbal complements order alternation is maintained. The investigation of the first aspect is based in the theory of functional Applicative heads proposed by Pylkkänen (2002). This theoretical choice is justified by the fact that the a (to) preposition creates non ambiguous sentences in which a semantic relation of possession transference, represented by a Low Applicative (Pylkkänen, 2002), is established between the two complements of a ditransitive predicate. The presence of the para (for) preposition, creates ambiguous sentences between the possession transference relation and the establishment of an event beneficiary, this last one represented, in Pylkkänen (2002), by a High Applicative. This work proposes that the arguments of a ditransitive predicate is inserted by a functional projection that licenses both elements and performs the right semantic relation between then. For the PB, its proposed that the preposition is the head of such functional projection. Specifically for the PBM data, this work proposes that the very same functional projection is present, without the phonological realization of the preposition, but with the same morphosyntactic traces constitution. A morphological operation, without syntactic consequences, is responsible for the absence of this preposition The investigation of the possible alternation in the order of the complements in the PB and PBM ditransitive sentences is based on informational aspects. It is suggested, with Scher (1996), that de VPPNP order revels the Topic function of the element located between the verb and the direct object. The structre proposed to this word order is based in the cartographic model, specifically in Rizzi (1997) and Belletti (2002). These authors, exploding CP and the periphery of VP respectively, propose the existence of informational positions, like Focus and Topic. Our hypothesis, then, is that the movement of an element to the Topic specifier position is responsible for the grammaticality of the order VPPNP in BP data.

Este trabalho revisita as sentenças bitransitivas do Português do Brasil (PB) a partir de dois aspectos que consideramos ser fundamentais para descrever e explicar a bitransitividade nessa língua: (a) a possibilidade de alternância entre as preposições a e para na introdução do elemento indireto e (b) a possibilidade de alternância na ordem dos complementos do predicado verbal. Nesse mesmo sentido, surgem como questão os dados do dialeto falado no português da Zona da Mata Mineira (PBM), já atestado e investigado em Scher (1996), em que verificamos a possibilidade de omissão da preposição, mas uma manutenção da possibilidade de alternância da ordem dos complementos verbais. Para dar conta do primeiro aspecto em questão, apoiamo-nos na proposta de núcleos funcionais Aplicativos introdutores de argumento nos moldes de Pylkkänen (2002). A escolha teórica se justifica pelo fato de a presença da preposição a gerar sentenças não-ambíguas em que uma relação semântica de transferência de posse, representada por um Aplicativo Baixo, nos termos de Pylkkänen (2002), é estabelecida entre os dois complementos verbais. A escolha da preposição para, por outro lado, gera sentenças ambíguas entre essa mesma relação de transferência de posse e o estabelecimento de uma espécie de beneficiário do evento, esse último representado por um Aplicativo Alto, também nos termos de Pylkkänen (2002). A partir daí, propomos que os argumentos de um verbo bitransitivo são inseridos via uma projeção funcional que licencia ambos os elementos e estabelece a relação semântica adequada entre eles. Para o PB, a nossa proposta é a de que a preposição seja a realização fonológica do núcleo da projeção Aplicativa. Mais especificamente para a variante do PBM, a nossa análise é a de que o mesmo núcleo Aplicativo esteja presente, sem a realização fonológica da preposição, mas com a mesma constituição de traços formais das sentenças do PB. A hipótese que daí se segue é que uma operação morfológica, sem consequências sintáticas, seja responsável pela ausência dessa preposição. Um modelo teórico separacionista, em que a sintaxe trabalha com traços formais e não fonológicos e em que a inserção de fonologia acontece depois de operações sintáticas e morfológicas, tal como a Morfologia Distribuída (Halle & Marantz, 1993), surge, então, como perspectiva de análise. Para dar conta da possibilidade de alternância na ordem dos complementos em sentenças bitransitivas do PB e do PBM, propomos, então, que aspectos informacionais sejam responsáveis pelo licenciamento dessas estruturas. Sugerimos, com Scher (1996), que a ordem VPPNP, no PB e, possivelmente, VNPNP, no PBM, em entonação normal, revela o caráter de Tópico do elemento colocado entre o verbo e o objeto direto e, assim, finalizamos nossa proposta apoiadas em Armelin (2009), em especial, no quadro teórico do modelo cartográfico, nos moldes de Rizzi (1997) e Belletti (2002). Esses autores, explodindo respectivamente CP e a periferia de VP, encontram aí crucialmente posições informacionais de Foco e Tópico. A nossa proposta, nesse sentido, é a de que o aspecto informacional, a saber, a movimentação de um elemento para a posição de especificador da projeção de Tópico, será responsável pelo licenciamento da ordem VPPNP nos dados do PB. / This work revisits ditransitive sentences in Brazilian Portuguese (BP) guided by two fundamental aspects on the description and explanation of the ditransitivity in this language: (a) the possibility of the alternation between the prepositions a (to) and para (for) in the introduction of the indirect element and (b) the possibility of alternation in the order of the verbal predicate complements. In this sense, the data of a Brazilian dialect spoken at the Zona da Mata Mineira (PBM), attested and investigated in Scher (1996), emerge as a question. In this dialect it is possible to omit the preposition even if the possibility of verbal complements order alternation is maintained. The investigation of the first aspect is based in the theory of functional Applicative heads proposed by Pylkkänen (2002). This theoretical choice is justified by the fact that the a (to) preposition creates non ambiguous sentences in which a semantic relation of possession transference, represented by a Low Applicative (Pylkkänen, 2002), is established between the two complements of a ditransitive predicate. The presence of the para (for) preposition, creates ambiguous sentences between the possession transference relation and the establishment of an event beneficiary, this last one represented, in Pylkkänen (2002), by a High Applicative. This work proposes that the arguments of a ditransitive predicate is inserted by a functional projection that licenses both elements and performs the right semantic relation between then. For the PB, its proposed that the preposition is the head of such functional projection. Specifically for the PBM data, this work proposes that the very same functional projection is present, without the phonological realization of the preposition, but with the same morphosyntactic traces constitution. A morphological operation, without syntactic consequences, is responsible for the absence of this preposition The investigation of the possible alternation in the order of the complements in the PB and PBM ditransitive sentences is based on informational aspects. It is suggested, with Scher (1996), that de VPPNP order revels the Topic function of the element located between the verb and the direct object. The structre proposed to this word order is based in the cartographic model, specifically in Rizzi (1997) and Belletti (2002). These authors, exploding CP and the periphery of VP respectively, propose the existence of informational positions, like Focus and Topic. Our hypothesis, then, is that the movement of an element to the Topic specifier position is responsible for the grammaticality of the order VPPNP in BP data.

The present thesis addresses the issue as to why the double object construction (e.g., John gave Mary a book) seems to appear in certain languages but not in others. This construction has received much attention in past research in formal linguistics and has played a central role in developing our understanding of the internal structure of the VP. Previous studies generally define the construction with respect to relative linear order of the object complements of the verb and the lack of morphological markings on these objects. We show that these properties are not inherent to the construction and that consequently, the construction exists in a wider variety of languages than previously assumed, particularly French. Along the lines of Goldberg (1995, 2006), we develop a universal semantic definition of the construction, which may be used as a diagnostic to test, systematically and categorically, its presence across languages. In particular, we identify the double object construction in French as, for example, Jean a donné le livre à Marie. We then explain the cross-linguistic structural differences with a Case-driven approach. Specifically, we argue that the inherent dative Case, present in French but not in English, is responsible for the structural differences recognized between the languages. By adopting a minimalist derivation of argument structure (Chomsky 1995, 2000, 2004) and the applicative analysis (Pylkkänen 2002), we are able to determine the syntax of the construction, while eliminating the redundancies and limitations of previous accounts. We present certain resulting predictions related to the grammar, including a generalisation of Case-checking by the low applicative phrase, a syntactic position related to the direct object properties, and universal properties of the construction itself. In all, this thesis offers empirical evidence for the universality of the double object construction and Case-driven syntactic derivation.

The present thesis addresses the issue as to why the double object construction (e.g., John gave Mary a book) seems to appear in certain languages but not in others. This construction has received much attention in past research in formal linguistics and has played a central role in developing our understanding of the internal structure of the VP. Previous studies generally define the construction with respect to relative linear order of the object complements of the verb and the lack of morphological markings on these objects. We show that these properties are not inherent to the construction and that consequently, the construction exists in a wider variety of languages than previously assumed, particularly French. Along the lines of Goldberg (1995, 2006), we develop a universal semantic definition of the construction, which may be used as a diagnostic to test, systematically and categorically, its presence across languages. In particular, we identify the double object construction in French as, for example, Jean a donné le livre à Marie. We then explain the cross-linguistic structural differences with a Case-driven approach. Specifically, we argue that the inherent dative Case, present in French but not in English, is responsible for the structural differences recognized between the languages. By adopting a minimalist derivation of argument structure (Chomsky 1995, 2000, 2004) and the applicative analysis (Pylkkänen 2002), we are able to determine the syntax of the construction, while eliminating the redundancies and limitations of previous accounts. We present certain resulting predictions related to the grammar, including a generalisation of Case-checking by the low applicative phrase, a syntactic position related to the direct object properties, and universal properties of the construction itself. In all, this thesis offers empirical evidence for the universality of the double object construction and Case-driven syntactic derivation.