The thesis aims to take a closer look at fundamental problematic areas of Yemeni society, carries out their deeper analysis and identifies the root causes. It deals specifically with human capital from quantitative(demographic trends) as well as qualitative perspective (level of human development) and analyses current political and security situation. The thesis focuses also on the natural resources -- water and oil, their depletion and estimated available amounts. Yemen will likely become the first country ever to run out of underground water resources. A combination of natural dispositions, economy orientation and technology level could possibly lead to the first humanitarian disaster of its kind. In terms of oil production, Yemen is a small exporter on the global level, however the public finance together with public services provision are on the sector highly depended.

Notre recherche a été établie dans le cadre du programme de recherché interdisciplinaire Langages, Objets, Territoires et Hospitalités (LOTH). Elle s’est appliquée à confirmer que seuls, les réseaux sociaux ne peuvent constituer un support unique pour gérer la démocratie locale et satisfaire les revendications collectives. Le chercheur a proposé une démarche plutôt mixte (CiRM) intégrant toutes les composantes essentielles pour moderniser et mettre à niveau de manière fondamentale le fonctionnement « client » de l’État (Physiques, humaines, virtuelles et technologiques). Cette démarche a été argumentée par une série d’enquête terrain qui démontrera le déficit dont souffre l’État marocain malgré les investissements technologiques élevés (réalisés mais désordonnés) en TIC. Ce sont à ces questions quecette thèse apporte des éléments de réponse et des outils d’analyse en vue de présenter une nouvelle manière pour instaurer la Gouvernance : tout gouvernement élu, sera essentiellement évalué sur le taux de satisfaction des attentes des citoyens et par rapport à son plan d’action annoncé via une logique de pondération et à travers des « indicateurs » de performance (gouvernementale) connus par tous et identifiés à l’avance (Pour éviter de tomber dans le piège de la distorsion de l’information entre le Citoyen et l’État). / Our research was established as part of the Interdisciplinary Research Program on Languages, Objects, Territories and Hospitality (LOTH). It has tried to confirm that only social networks can not constitute a single support for managing local democracy and satisfying collective demands. The researcher proposed a rather mixed approach (CiRM) integrating all the essential components to modernize and fundamentally improve the client's functioning of the state (physical, human, virtual and technological). This approach was supported by a series of field surveys that will demonstrate the deficit suffered by the Moroccan state despite high (but untidy) technological investments in ICT. It is to these questions that this thesis provides answers and analytical tools in order to present a new way to establish governance: any elected government will be essentially evaluated on the rate of satisfaction of the expectations of citizens and To its action plan announced via a weighting logic and through publicly known "indicators" of performance (known by all) and identified in advance (To avoid falling into the trap of distortion of information between the Citizen and the State).

No description available.

The main focus of the dissertation is to examine the interactions between Egyptian foreign policy and the domestic, regional and international dramatic changes that shaped the environment in which that foreign policy was made and operated during the Arab Spring in Egypt from January 2011 to June 2013. The goal is to explore whether domestic, regional and international changes during the Arab Spring had resulted in a substantial change of Egyptian foreign policy in those three years regarding most foreign policy issues especially toward Turkey and Palestine. The dissertation's analysis, while rather qualitative and inductive in nature, employed the neoclassical realism as its theoretical framework. It allowed the researcher to identify major domestic players and issues such as ideology, strategic culture, political religion and the ability to mobilize national resources and study their impact on the foreign policy decision makers. The researcher concluded that the Egyptian foreign policy made several major changes during the Arab Spring especially toward Turkey and Palestine/Israel. These changes were due to domestic and regional variables more than to international systemic order's signals. Neoclassical realism proved to be ideal for the researcher's analysis. It helped him easily identify key...

No description available.

This study analyzed the revolutions in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya (North Africa) beginning in late 2010. The first part of the study focused on variables that the North African revolutions shared. These variables were "personalistic-style of dictatorship", "sizable percentage of youth in population", and "economic context". These factors were then discussed as major descriptive variables that caused the revolutionary events in North Africa. The second part of the study assessed why each North African revolution resulted in varying levels of violence. Concluding thoughts were made regarding the similarities and differences between the 2009 Iranian Green Revolution, events in other North African Arab-majority states such as Algeria and Morocco, and the on-going Syrian Revolution to the North African Revolutions

Some assert that social media has contributed in one way or another to organizing the work of revolutionaries and those seeking freedom and democracy on its platforms and has provided them with a space to express their opinion against authoritarian regimes. However, the information policies of the companies behind social media can discourage activists and enable authoritarian regimes. This case study examines the views of experts and media professionals on the changes in the roles of social media companies over the past 11 years in the context of social liberation movements. Through interviews with four media professionals and a survey of Syrian social media users, the study identifies the perceived restrictions imposed on the freedom of activists and media professionals to use social media, and at the same time identifies the perceived beneficiaries of these restrictions. The results show that social media companies are now playing a dangerous role in imposing an unethical system on new media that is far from impartiality and objectivity. It also empowers people and groups belonging to certain political parties and gives them freedom of expression at the expense of other people and groups. / Vissa hävdar att sociala medier, på ett eller annat sätt, har bidragit till att organisera revolutionärer och de som söker sig till frihet och demokrati på dess plattformar. Att det har skapat ett utrymme att uttrycka sina åsikter på, mot auktoritära regimer. Däremot kan informationspolicy för företagen, bakom sociala medier och dess plattformar, avskräcka aktivister och möjliggöra för auktoritära regimer. Denna fallstudie undersöker synpunkter utifrån experter och media-kunniga, kring förändringar i rollerna hos sociala medie företag under de senaste 11 åren, i samband med den sociala befrielserörelsen. Genom intervjuer med fyra media-kunniga och en undersökning av Syriska sociala medie användare, identifierar studien de upplevda restriktioner som ålagts på aktivister och media-kunniga. Samtidigt identifieras även förmånstagarna av dessa restriktoner. Resultatet visar att sociala medieföretag spelar en farlig roll när det gäller att påtvinga nya medier/plattformar ett oetiskt system som är långt ifrån opartiskt och objektivt. Det ger individer, och vissa politiska grupper, makten att nyttja yttrandefriheten på bekostnad av andra individer och grupper.

The Arab Spring that began in Tunisia and spread throughout the Middle East shook the region. These populous movements unseated authoritarian rulers whose power and position were well entrenched, potentially setting numerous countries on a path towards democratization. This project seeks to explain why the democratic transitions within the countries of Egypt, Tunisia, and Yemen have been largely unsuccessful. The large amounts of literature that flooded the academic forums through articles and books are analyzed, providing numerous explanations as to why these transitions have been unsuccessful such as polarization, deadlock, sectarianism, violence, and institutional conflict. This literature focuses on either one or several of the above-mentioned explanations while not pinning down a central cause for these phenomena, since they are all present in all three cases. This paper asserts that the cause of this hindered transition is the emphasis that these States placed upon electoral democracy. An emphasis placed on elections during transition highlighted and exacerbated factors (polarization, deadlock, sectarianism, violence, and institutional conflict) already present in these societies but kept dormant under authoritarian rule. To illustrate this the initial transitional government, representative body elected, and executive is analyzed to show how each governing unit stressed elections before a constitution. The identification of an overarching cause for the lack of fruitful transition like this project seeks to accomplish is of great importance, filling a much needed gap in the literature of comparative Middle Eastern revolutionary studies; along with providing foreign policy makers a tool to craft more impactful policy.

No description available.

No description available.