A região de Lagoa Santa é mundialmente famosa pela quantidade, qualidade e antiguidade dos remanescentes esqueletais humanos nela encontrados. Entretanto, muito pouco é conhecido sobre as práticas mortuárias dos grupos que ocuparam a região. A versão vigente na literatura é que essas eram extremamente simples, expeditas e homogêneas. Na presente dissertação esse quadro é questionado. A partir da descrição dos 26 sepultamentos encontrados na Lapa do Santo, foi possível determinar que diferentes padrões funerários se sucederam ao longo do Holoceno. Portanto, as práticas mortuárias da região não apresentam a alegada homogeneidade cronológica. Dentre os padrões de sepultamento identificados no sítio, o de número 1 se destaca não só pela sua antiguidade (8800-8200 AP), mas por apresentar uma forte ênfase na manipulação do corpo, incluindo o caso de decapitação mais antigo do Novo Mundo. Portanto, o registro da Lapa do Santo indica um quadro muito mais complexo e sofisticado para a paisagem mortuária da região de Lagoa Santa do que aquele proposto pela literatura. Mais do que isso, mostra que, ao contrário do que se imaginava, a ênfase na manipulação do corpo no início do Holoceno não era uma característica limitada à região andina. / The Lagoa Santa region is famous for the quantity, quality and antiquity of its human skeletal remains. However, little is known about the mortuary practices of those who inhabited the region. According to literature this practices were very simple, expedient and homogeneous. In this dissertation, this scenario is challenged. Based on the descriptions of 26 human burials found in Lapa do Santo it was established that several distinct burial patterns occurred in the site during Holocene. Thereafter, the idea that in Lagoa Santa the mortuary practices were chronologically homogeneous can no longer be supported. Among the different burial patterns indentified in this site Pattern 1 highlights not only for its antiquity (8800-8200 BP) but also because it presents a strong emphasis in the manipulation of the body, including the oldest case of decapitation ever recorded in the New World. Thereafter, the burials from Lapa do Santo points to a more complex scenario for the mortuary practices in the region of Lagoa Santa than was previously though. Besides, it shows that contrary to was once believed, the emphasis on body manipulation during Early Holocene was not restricted to the Andean region, as was once thought. The mortuary practices of pre-historic hunter-gatherers from Lagoa Santa region: a case study of the Santo Rockshelter archaeological site.

MENVSC / Department of Ecology and Resource Management / Certain communities in Sekhukhune area are known to be practicing geophagia. Existing standard questionnaires as adopted to generate data on human geophagia included aspects on demography, socio-economics, cultural, ecological, physico-chemical aspects, indigenous knowledge and health effects of geophagic consumers. These data were gathered through distribution of questionnaires to 200 geophagic participants, of which 135 were from Ga-Nchabeleng Village and 65 from Mphanama Village. Both the Villages were based in the rural settlements in Sekhukhune area. In this study the behaviour of geophagic individuals was investigated and cytotoxicity of plant remains consumed in geophagic soils was evaluated for any toxicity. A total of 17 different geophagic sites were identified. Six geophagic sites each were from Ga-Nchabeleng Village and six from Mphanama Village. Five other sites were selected from sites where geophagia was not practiced and were recorded as the control sites. All the 17 soil samples were analysed using Munsell Soil Color charts for soil colour classification. Samples of plant remains were collected from the same geophagic sites where soil samples were collected. Due to similar plants and vegetation type from 17 different geophagic sites, a composite study was adopted. Geophagic consumers in Ga-Nchabeleng Village identified four plant species of plant remains consumed in the soil in the area and Mphanama village identified five species different from Ga-Nchabeleng plants. Samples of plant remains were grouped according to comparable features or characteristics. Sample 1 of plant remains was composed mainly of grasses; Cynodon dactylon, Aristida congesta and Eragrostis rigidior whereas sample 2 of plant remains was composed of Acacia plant; Vachellia tortilis. The two samples of plant remains were collected from Ga-Nchabeleng Village. Sample 3 of plant remains was composed of creeping, perennial weed herbs; Alternanthera pungens Kunth and Alternanthera lorentzii. Sample 4 of plant remains was composed of prominent woody plants; Combretum apiculutum, Kirkia wilmsii and Boscia albitrunca. Samples of plant remains 3 and 4 were collected from Mphanama Village study sites. Sample 5 of plant remains was the control site and composed mainly of Acacia plants; Vachellia nilotica, Acacia vii mearnsii and Vachellia tortilis and were collected from sites not used for geophagic practices. The plant remains parts mostly consumed were roots (50%) in Ga-Nchabeleng, whereas in Mphanama Village they were stems (54.5%) and the control site had leaves at 62.5%. The five samples of plant remains were recovered using physical separation method. The plant remains were washed and dried. Retch Muhle grinding machine was used to ground the samples. Methanol was used in the extraction of all the samples of plant remains. The result from the administration of the questionnaire revealed that geophagia in this area was practiced by both male and female Sepedi-speaking individuals. Ga-Nchabeleng Village had more female geophagic participants, whereas Mphanama Village had more males who have almost undergone secondary school. However, in general for the study there were more female geophagic consumers. Geophagic consumers ingest soil known locally as Mobu, Letsopa or Leraga collected mostly from the riverbanks, mountains/hills and valleys with only a few that indicated termite mounds. Geophagic consumers in the study used colour, among other things, to describe their soil of preference. The study consisted of 200 participants of whom 172 represented the geophagic group and 28 were the control group, aged between 18-65 years analysed using chi-square crosstabulation. There was no significant difference in human health effects associated with geophagia between the geophagic group and the control group. There was also no association established between soil consumption and other non-food substances between geophagic group and control group. Chi-square (χ2) analyses revealed a significant association of gender with geophagic habits (p<0.05), while there was no association of age, educational level, income source and marital status (p>0.05) with geophagic habits. Findings of the survey when two villages are combined revealed that more females (75.60%) practice geophagia compared to males (24.40%). The respondents from both study sites preferred digging technique when collecting the soil. It was established that craving was mainly the reason behind the practice in the study area. Hygiene and environmental conditions were not considered when mining viii geophagic soil as the majority of them used dirty utensils, hands for collection and non-sterile bags and tins for packaging. Some of the soils were collected close to waste dumping sites as seen whilst visiting geophagic mining sites. Majority of the consumers had little or no knowledge that the soil could be harmful or if it contained any contaminants. This sample of interviewees provided valuable information on human geophagic practices in Sekhukhune area. It became clear that this practice was entrenched in the cultural behaviour of people in the area and a need for educating them on health related aspects. The cytotoxicity of methanolic extracts of plant remains on HEK-293T cell line was evaluated using MTT (3-[4, 5-dimethylthiazol-2-yl]-2, 5-diphenyltetrazolium bromide) assay for cell viability. The 50% cytotoxic concentration (CC50) was defined as the compound’s concentration (500, 250, 125, 62.5, 31.25, 15.625 and 7.8125 μg/ml) required for the reduction of cell viability by 50%. Evaluation of cell viability showed the methanolic extracts of plant remains on HEK-293T cell line ranged in the order of plant remains extract=3>1>4>2>5 according to their cytotoxicity activities. Plant remains extract 3 from Mphanama Village showed high cytotoxicity with a CC50 of 13.75 μg/ml, followed by plant remains extract 1 at 16.68 μg/ml, plant remains extract 4 at 58.95 μg/ml, plant remains extract 2 at 92.75 μg/ml and the control at 251.4 μg/ml, respectively. In the study only the methanolic extract was investigated for cytotoxicity using HEK-293T cell line. Further research need to be conducted on the individual plants of each plant remains to be able to have conclusive results on the cytotoxicity profile. This will indicate which specific plant part is toxic or whether they exhibit a higher CC50 only when in combination.

Le château ducal de Moulins, s’il a subi diverses destructions, comporte aujourd’hui encore des éléments qui méritent d’être étudiés de près, afin de restituer son état initial. On connaît d’après les sources écrites au moins deux grandes campagnes de construction, la première fut amorcée par le troisième duc de Bourbon, Louis II, à la toute fin du XIVe siècle. La tour maîtresse « Mal-Coiffée » étant datée par dendrochronologie vers 1399/1400. Un second chantier d’agrandissement et de réaménagements débute après 1488, commandité cette fois par le duc de Bourbon Pierre de Beaujeu et son épouse Anne de France, sœur de Charles VIII. Cet agrandissement se terminera au tout début du XVIe siècle avec la construction d’un portique d’architecture renaissante, très précoce en France. Cette thèse mêle l’histoire et l’histoire de l’art mais part surtout d’une réflexion archéologique des bâtiments subsistants. C’est en cumulant et en confrontant ces diverses approches que l’étude a pu être la plus complète. / During his history, the ducal castle of Moulins has been subject to several destructions and improvements. Despite this, it still contains elements that should be studied carefully in order to restore its original state. From written sources, one knows at least two major buildings campaigns. First one was initiated by the third duke of Bourbon, Louis II, in the late fourteenth century. The remaining main tower, known as “Mal-Coiffée” ("Untidy Top"), has been dated by dendrochronology around 1399/1400. A second campaign of expansion and redevelopment begins after 1488, commissioned by the Duke of Bourbon, Pierre de Beaujeu and his wife Anne de France, Charles VIII’s sister. This expansion will be completed in the early sixteenth century with the construction of a renaissance architecture portico, very early in France. This thesis combines both History and art history, starting from an archaeological reflection of the remaining buildings. The aim of this work is to combine and compare these different approaches in order to obtain the most comprehensive and exhaustive study of this forgotten site which play a key role in History.