This thesis will explore how social and political conditions in archaic Greece affected the composition of poetry for female choral performance. My primary source material will be the poetry of Alcman and Sappho. I examine the evidence suggesting that poems by both Alcman and Sappho commented on political issues, using this as a basis to argue that women in archaic Greece may have had a more vocal public presence that has previously been imagined. Rather than viewing female performance as a means of discussing purely feminine themes or reinforcing the idea of a disempowered female gender, I argue that the poetry of Alman and Sappho gives parthenoi an authoritative public voice to comment on issues in front of the watching community. Part of this authority is derived from the social value of parthenoi, who can act as economically and socially valuable points of exchange between communities, but I shall also be looking at how traditional elements of female performance genre were used to enhance female authority in archaic Sparta and Lesbos. Once this has been established, this thesis will proceed to examine how public female performance dealt with major political and social issues in the archaic world. I shall argue that the performance of parthenoi did focus on primarily feminine concerns such as marriage, desire, and abduction, but that it could also be an opportunity to discuss much broader political themes that were of major importance to the entire polis. Alcman and Sappho use their poetry as a vehicle to comment on the society in which their poetry was composed, both discussing threats to order and representing solutions for a stable society. The content of female performed poetry was often composed as much for a male audience as for the performers themselves, using traditional female performance as a means of commenting on the current political climate. Through arguing these factors, the intention of this thesis is to suggest a much more prominent public role for archaic Greek females than has previously been recognised.

Estudos atuais atribuem à ocasião de performance um papel importante na interpretação da poesia grega arcaica. No que concerne à maior parte da poesia elegíca desse período, convencionou-se estabelecer que o simpósio foi o local de seu aparecimento e difusão. A tese propõe uma investigação acerca do maior corpus de elegias supérstite, a Teognideia, a fim de identificar nele traços composicionais de uma produção elegíaca destinada exclusivamente para essa ocasião de performance. Uma leitura das elegias 19-26 e 237-254 permitiu-nos verificar as práticas poéticas atribuídas a Teógnis e a identidade destas com o simpósio, e possibilitou uma leitura mais abrangente do corpus, que visou avaliar em que medida o livro de poemas de Teógnis poderia revelar traços de uma organização simposial. Procurou-se assim encarecer uma visão que mostra o simpósio como um dos elementos que pautou a formação de parte da Teognideia, e que determinava a estrutura e os expedientes do gênero elegíaco arcaico. / Current studies ascribe to the occasion of performance an important role in the interpretation of archaic greek poetry. With regard to most of the elegiac poetry of this time, the symposium appears as its favoured setting and place of its diffusion. This work investigates the widest corpus of surviving elegies, the Theognidea, in order to find traces of the symposium as a compositional feature to elegiac compositions. The study of verses 19-26 and 237-254 allowed us to verify the poetic practices attributed to Theognis and their identity with the symposium. It led us to a more compreehensive reading of the corpus, which aimed to evaluate to what extent Theognis book could reveal traces of symposiastic organization. Thus, this graduation thesis intended to highlight the symposium as one of the aspects that guided the formation of Theognidea and establishes structures and procedures to archaic greek elegy.

Estudos atuais atribuem à ocasião de performance um papel importante na interpretação da poesia grega arcaica. No que concerne à maior parte da poesia elegíca desse período, convencionou-se estabelecer que o simpósio foi o local de seu aparecimento e difusão. A tese propõe uma investigação acerca do maior corpus de elegias supérstite, a Teognideia, a fim de identificar nele traços composicionais de uma produção elegíaca destinada exclusivamente para essa ocasião de performance. Uma leitura das elegias 19-26 e 237-254 permitiu-nos verificar as práticas poéticas atribuídas a Teógnis e a identidade destas com o simpósio, e possibilitou uma leitura mais abrangente do corpus, que visou avaliar em que medida o livro de poemas de Teógnis poderia revelar traços de uma organização simposial. Procurou-se assim encarecer uma visão que mostra o simpósio como um dos elementos que pautou a formação de parte da Teognideia, e que determinava a estrutura e os expedientes do gênero elegíaco arcaico. / Current studies ascribe to the occasion of performance an important role in the interpretation of archaic greek poetry. With regard to most of the elegiac poetry of this time, the symposium appears as its favoured setting and place of its diffusion. This work investigates the widest corpus of surviving elegies, the Theognidea, in order to find traces of the symposium as a compositional feature to elegiac compositions. The study of verses 19-26 and 237-254 allowed us to verify the poetic practices attributed to Theognis and their identity with the symposium. It led us to a more compreehensive reading of the corpus, which aimed to evaluate to what extent Theognis book could reveal traces of symposiastic organization. Thus, this graduation thesis intended to highlight the symposium as one of the aspects that guided the formation of Theognidea and establishes structures and procedures to archaic greek elegy.

O trabalho analisa um conjunto de fragmentos de Safo e Alceu em busca de resquícios da poesia praticada pelos povos indo-europeus. A análise parte da comparação entre aspectos da poesia de ambos autores dentro do contexto mais amplo da poesia de culturas de origem indo-europeia, centrando-se em aspectos de dicção, fórmulas, métrica e uma mitologia comum. Com isso, descobrem-se amplos laços de contato entre a poesia dos autores lésbios com diversas tradições poéticas, tais como a indiana, a iraniana, a irlandesa, a germânica, dentre outras. Além disso, o trabalho toca um pouco em um aspecto correlato, que são as relações entre a poesia lésbia e outras tradições poéticas gregas, especialmente a épica, representada por Homero. Por fim, conclui-se que a poesia lésbia se centra dentro de uma firme tradição indoeuropeia comum a toda a poesia grega, recebida diferentemente por cada um dos dois poetas: de maneira mais conservadora para Alceu, e Safo, em diversos momentos, ressignificando essa tradição, sem contudo se afastar dela. / This work investigates a group of fragments by the Lesbian poets Sappho and Alcaeus in search of relics from the poetry of the ancient Indo-European people. The investigation starts from the comparison between aspects of the poetry of both poets in the wider context of poetry of Indo-European origin, focusing on aspects of diction, formulae, metrics and a common inherited mythology. Numerous links are discussed between the Lesbian poets and several poetic traditions such as Indian, Iranian, Irish, Germanic, among others. Besides, this work touches a correlate point by screening the relations between Lesbian and other Greek poetic traditions, specially epic, as represented by Homer. At last, the conclusion is that Lesbian poetry represents a firm Indo-European poetic tradition, one that is common to all Greek poetry and received differently by each of both poets: more conservatively by Alcaeus, and Sappho, in several moments reshaping this tradition without distancing itself from it.

In 2002 and 2003, the Institute of Nautical Archaeology excavated the remains of an East Greek ship that sank off the coast of Pabuç Burnu, Turkey, sometime in the second quarter of the sixth century B.C. The scant remains of the vessel’s hull have provided the first archaeological evidence for laced shipbuilding in the Aegean. The diagnostic features preserved in the hull fragments are consistent with those of Greek laced construction, as evidenced in other shipwrecks from the same period found in the western Mediterranean. The planking joinery included edge inserts, or coaks, between the planking strakes and ligatures laced through oblique holes drilled along the sides of the planks through tetrahedral notches. The ship’s framing consisted of pre-fashioned made-frames alternating, on the upper sides of the hull, with top-timbers. The frames had trapezoidal sections, were notched over the planking seams on their underside, and were lashed to the hull. The top-timbers had rectangular sections and were both lashed and treenailed to the planking. Notable in this vessel’s construction is the use of tenons as coaks in its original construction, the earliest example of tenon usage in Greek shipbuilding. The hull’s construction features are virtually identical to those of the Cala Sant Vicenç wreck in Majorca, and mostly similar as well to those of wreck 1 at Gela. The Pabuç Burnu and Cala Sant Vicenç ships are further similar in the use of traditional cylindrical dowel coaks for making repairs to the hull, wherein they are inserted obliquely along one side through the face of the replacement plank. These features testify to a critical phase in Greek shipbuilding when tenons replaced dowels as coaks in laced construction, paving the way for the eventual supplanting of lacing by pegged mortise-and-tenon joinery. Furthermore, examination and comparison of numerous construction details of these and other Greek shipwrecks from the sixth through fourth centuries B.C. suggest that mortise-and-tenon technology could have evolved naturally within the Greek tradition of laced construction, rather than being incorporated directly from some foreign—most likely Phoenician—shipbuilding method.

O trabalho analisa um conjunto de fragmentos de Safo e Alceu em busca de resquícios da poesia praticada pelos povos indo-europeus. A análise parte da comparação entre aspectos da poesia de ambos autores dentro do contexto mais amplo da poesia de culturas de origem indo-europeia, centrando-se em aspectos de dicção, fórmulas, métrica e uma mitologia comum. Com isso, descobrem-se amplos laços de contato entre a poesia dos autores lésbios com diversas tradições poéticas, tais como a indiana, a iraniana, a irlandesa, a germânica, dentre outras. Além disso, o trabalho toca um pouco em um aspecto correlato, que são as relações entre a poesia lésbia e outras tradições poéticas gregas, especialmente a épica, representada por Homero. Por fim, conclui-se que a poesia lésbia se centra dentro de uma firme tradição indoeuropeia comum a toda a poesia grega, recebida diferentemente por cada um dos dois poetas: de maneira mais conservadora para Alceu, e Safo, em diversos momentos, ressignificando essa tradição, sem contudo se afastar dela. / This work investigates a group of fragments by the Lesbian poets Sappho and Alcaeus in search of relics from the poetry of the ancient Indo-European people. The investigation starts from the comparison between aspects of the poetry of both poets in the wider context of poetry of Indo-European origin, focusing on aspects of diction, formulae, metrics and a common inherited mythology. Numerous links are discussed between the Lesbian poets and several poetic traditions such as Indian, Iranian, Irish, Germanic, among others. Besides, this work touches a correlate point by screening the relations between Lesbian and other Greek poetic traditions, specially epic, as represented by Homer. At last, the conclusion is that Lesbian poetry represents a firm Indo-European poetic tradition, one that is common to all Greek poetry and received differently by each of both poets: more conservatively by Alcaeus, and Sappho, in several moments reshaping this tradition without distancing itself from it.

Recent discoveries near the village of Nea Agathoupoli, in Pieria, Greece have revealed the remains of an ancient town, identifiable with the ancient town of Methone, a putative Eretrian colony founded, according to Plutarch, in ca. 733 BC. From the material excavated so far, the town’s zenith was in the Late Geometric and Archaic periods, well documented by the high amounts of imports from all regions of the ancient world, especially by imported transport vessels. The significant percentage of transport amphorae in comparison to that of fine pottery strongly indicates the settlement's commercial character and suggests that Methone was operating as a redistribution centre which supplied Macedonia's hinterland with goods. This study is based on unpublished pottery analyzed here, for the first time. Among the regions, whose products are most popular in Methone are Chios and Athens, although more Eastern Greek towns such as Samos and Miletus had trading relations with Methone, too. Settlers from the these regions may have established themselves in Methone, but the initiative for the foundation of the town was, most probably, taken by Euboeans, whose activity in the Northern Aegean, in the Geometric period, was strong. Alongside the abundant imported vessels, a large amount of locally made transport vessels was unearthed. These early archaic amphora types (early 6^th century BC), which have also been found in other sites in the Northern Aegean and possibly Northern Ionia, have been known in literature by my study. The discovery of these local transport vessels reveals participation by the local population in trading transactions and manufacture of a product which was packaged and circulated among the Northern Aegean towns. A mixed cultural environment starts to form in archaic Methone and includes Euboeans, Eastern Greeks, local Thracians and others, including Macedonian neighbours. Having emerged as the most powerful military force of the area, the Macedonians residing in nearby Bottiaia, constantly expanding, were, arguably, involved in the commercial activities at Methone. This study suggests that because of Methone's geographical location and proximity to the capital of the Macedonian kingdom, Aigai (modern Vergina), Methone functioned as the capital's face to the sea, as the royal harbour of Macedonia, until it was destroyed by Philip II, in 354 BC when all activities related to trade moved to neighbouring Pydna. Methone's finds together with other Northern Aegean settlements mentioned in this study reveal how important, even indispensable, this part of the ancient world was to the commercial networks of the archaic Mediterranean. The Northern Aegean is, therefore, not only well integrated into networks connecting southern and Eastern Greece, Egypt and the Levantine coast, but constitutes a vital part of them from the 8^th century BC, onwards.

La présente recherche porte sur l’histoire des émotions positives et de leurs représentations en Grèce archaïque. L’histoire des émotions, qui a pu bénéficier d’un changement de paradigme ayant mis en évidence le lien entre émotions et cognition, se fonde sur l’hypothèse que le sens des scénarios affectifs varie selon les contextes historiques et culturels. L’objectif était ainsi de dégager le sens prêté aux émotions positives, d’Homère à Hérodote, à partir des témoignages disponibles. Le type d’analyse mis en œuvre est à la fois sémantique et historique, mais il s’appuie également sur les ressources de l’anthropologie et de la psychologie. Trois dossiers principaux jalonnent cette exploration : l’épopée homérique, la poésie archaïque à l’époque de l’émergence des cités et les nouvelles formes de la sagesse, religieuse et philosophique. Comment les émotions positives se définissent-elles dans ce cadre ? Leur forme et leurs fonctions se transforment-elles ? Quel usage en fait-on et quel rôle leur prête-t-on dans la cité ou, plus précisément, au banquet ? Quel discours suscitent-elles, du point de vue éthique, politique ou philosophique ? À partir d’une distinction sémantique fondamentale, qui paraît structurer le champ lexical du plaisir et de la joie, les nouvelles représentations des émotions positives sont envisagées en lien avec les bouleversements sociaux, politiques et religieux ayant affecté l’époque archaïque. / The present research regards the history of positive emotions and their representations in archaic Greece. The history of emotions, benefiting from a new trend, which underlined the relations between emotions and cognition, is based on the hypothesis that the sense of the affective episodes depends on the historical and cultural contexts. Consequently, the aim was to unveil the positive emotions’ meaning, from Homer to Herodotus, using the available evidence. The type of analysis that was used is at the same time semantic and historical, but it rests, as well, upon anthropology and psychology. Three main fields have been looked through for this study: the Homeric epic, the archaic poetry from the time of the first poleis and the new forms of wisdom, religious or philosophical. How these positive emotions have been defined? Were their form and functions subject to change? Which role is given to them in the polis or at the banquet? Which type of discourse have they provoked, at the ethical, political or philosophical levels? Beginning with a semantic dichotomy, that seems important in the lexical field, the new representations of the positive emotions are considered in close relationship with the social, political and religious changes of the archaic period.

Esta Dissertação de Mestrado apresenta uma introdução histórica ao período Orientalizante, no qual se insere a produção de vasos de estilo proto-Coríntio (séc. VIII-VI a.C.), seguida de uma breve exposição do desenvolvimento deste estilo durante o geométrico, antigo, médio e recente. Tem como principal objetivo estudar os vasos proto-coríntios encontrados em vários locais da Grécia arcaica. Deste modo, a par de uma bibliografia fundamental, elaborei inicialmente um modelo de corpus documental que se ampliou no decorrer da pesquisa. Pretende estabelecer uma classificação e uma cronologia destes vasos proto-coríntios, comparando-os com alguns exemplares de referência, assim como proceder a uma pesquisa iconográfica a partir da decoração destes exemplares. / Abundantly manufactured from VIII to VI b.C. Corinthian pottery has an unique role to the Archaeology of archaic period. As for its diffusion on entire Mediterranean sea, as for its recapture and assimilation of stylistics foreign elements Protocorinthian pottery has stimulated, for some time, an avid interest on researchers, who see on it a singular instrument to comprehend the ancient world. By using this artistical and cultural world as background, I have developed a Master degree at MAE/USP focusing on the construction of a vases corpus to study the classification, chronology and iconography of Protocorinthian vases. Obviously, to this purpose, it has been necessary to approach such pottery within its historical and methodological meanings.

Euhespérides (Benghazi) en Cyrénaïque (Libye), est une ville grecque, fondée à la fin du VIIe ou début du VIe siècle avant J-C. La ville est purement grecque, elle a été fondée et habitée par les Grecs, jusqu'à ce qu'ils l'abandonnent. Abandonnée au milieu du IIIe siècle avant J-C., elle n'a jamais été réoccupée. La date de la fondation de la cité est plus ancienne qu'on ne le pensait, elle a été fondée par les Grecs venus de différentes régions de la Grèce. L'une des principales raisons de la fondation d'Euhespérides dans ce lieu est la présence du port naturel connecté au lac. Le noyau de la ville était situé sur la colline de Sidi Abeid, sur le bord nord de la sebkha Es-Selmani. Ensuite, la cité s'est étendue dans toutes les directions. La première mention de la ville est venue d'Hérodote à trois reprises. Les fouilles sur le site de la ville ont commencé en 1952, après avoir identifié son emplacement par la photographie aérienne.Par les grandes quantités de céramiques découvertes sur le site, de deux types – céramiques fines et communes– en plus des amphores de transport, il s'est avéré que le volume des échanges commerciaux de la cité était considérable, et que l'importation incluait différentes régions du monde méditerranéen.Euhespérides a été abandonnée au milieu du IIIe siècle avant J-C, et ses habitants ont alors été déplacés vers un autre site, Béréniké, situé à trois km à l'Ouest. La principale raison de l'abandon était une décision politique, mise en œuvre par la force. Cette décision a été prise par Ptolémée III et son épouse, Bérénice, pour punir la population de sa résistance à la nouvelle autorité, en démolissant la cité et imposant à sa population de quitter la cité par la force. / Euesperides (Benghazi) in Cyrenaica, east of Libya is a Greek city, founded in the late seventh or early sixth century BC. The city is purely Greek; it was founded and inhabited by the Greeks, until they were abandoning it. Abandoned in the middle of the third century BC., It was never reoccupied. The date of the founding of the city is older than previously thought; it was founded by the Greeks from different regions of Greece. One of the main reasons of the foundation of Euesperides in this place is the presence of natural port connected with the lake. The nucleus of the city located on the hill of Sidi Abeid, on the northern edge of the Sebeka Es- Selmani. Then, the city has expanded in all directions. The first mention of the city came from Herodotus in three times. The excavations at the site began in 1952, after identifying its location by aerial photography. By large amounts of pottery discovered on the site of two types - fineware and coarseware , in addition to the amphorae of transport, it turned out that the volume of trade of the city was considerable, and that the importation included different regions of the Mediterranean world.Euesperides was abandoned in the mid-third century, and its inhabitants were then moved to another site, Berenice, located three kilometers to the west. The main reason for the abandonment was a political decision, implemented by force. This decision was taken by Ptolemy III and his wife, Berenice, to punish the people of his resistance to the new authority, demolishing the city and imposing its population to leave the city by force.