The study compares the use of authoritarian corporatism in Taiwan and Indonesia. The comparison is made for the purpose of obtaining a more balanced relation between the state and the society in these two countries. The adopted definitions of corporatism in the study are by Wiarda and Stepan. Wiarda defined corporatism as a system of social and political organization in which the major social and interest groups are all integrated into the government system. The integration is on a monopoly base so that the state can reach a balanced development by means of directions, protections, and control over these groups. Stepan divided corporatism into two kinds: exclusionary and inclusionary corporatism. Specifically, the study adopts the theory of exclusionary and focuses the comparison on the establishment and operation of trade union system. The research results of the study are as follows. First, both in Taiwan and Indonesia, the use of authoritarian corporatism has social and political backgrounds. The social background refers to the prevailing traditional values of Confucialism in Taiwan and Pancasila Industrial Relation in Indonesia. Both values systems place a premium on a harmonious and cooperative interaction between the employers and the labors. Therefore, the idea is denied that labors have the right to fight for their own benefits against the employers. Second, both Taiwan and Indonesia governments choose authoritarian corporatism as the tool to control the society. The choice is made not out of the need to moderate benefits of various social classes or to cope with economic crisis. Instead, it is for setting up functional, not competitive social organization systems. These organizations are the paths connecting different interest groups. At the same time, some organizations which are not favored by the state are kept from being formed. The participation in politics is limited to a certain scale. Such measure is considered preventive authoritarian corporatism. The application of the authoritarian corporatism makes the trade union systems both in Taiwan and Indonesia become the marginal parts of the political framework. It¡¦s hard then to have the labors own more rights. So the corporarism is also exclusionary authoritarian corporatism. The labor organization is naturally an expansion of the political control of the state over the labors. Third, it is found that under the framework of authoritarian corporatism, the operation of labor organizations varies according to the changing goals of state¡¦s development. However, there is a difference in the manner and extent of Taiwan¡¦s control over the operation from that of the Indonesia government. Taiwan government controls the operation in an active manner while the Indonesia government controls the operation in a passive manner. Fourth, at the end of authoritarian politics in Taiwan and in Indonesia, the demands for changes are appearing in both countries. It¡¦s inferred that there may appear inclusionary corporatism which will lead to a more balanced relation among the labors, the employers and the states both in Taiwan and Indonesia.

Leadership behavior theory and practice¡ÐResearch of the case Leadership behavior Lee Kuan Yew in Singapore. Abstract Leadship capability is not only inherent, it must be created by leaning and training also. And the leadership should have characteristics, which depends on the surroundings. Basically leadership has three types, which are dictatorship, laissez-faire, democratic. A leader must be responsible for his subordinates, team and superintendents. Excellent morality and advanced knowledge are the requisites for a good leader. The goal of leadship behavior is to prevent the troubles about people and things, then furthermore start his career and make contributions to the peoples. Finally he is to earn the sympathy of the crowd and erect his enterprise. The leadership behavior is show of creative intelligence and skill during solving the problems of ¡§people¡¨ and ¡§matters¡¨. It condenses the moral, wisdom, experience, ability and social relationship of the leader and displays the outstanding enchantment and boldness. It depends on the brain to operate powerfully, make use of main theme, depend on concentrate one¡¦s attention. Leadership is an very important intellect, it needs both theory and applications. In the daily life and the process of dealing the human affairs, people experience the tastes of leading and being lead. However, in the history, it is not difficult to find that some leaders are very prominent and bring happiness to human being, while some are very bad, caused masses in anguish and distressed. The public would justify that he is a success or a failure. Singapore is well known as a ¡§garden city¡¨ as well as a lawful nation. The government is famous for it ¡§being small with strength and being capable with uprightness¡¨. The leader, Lee Kuan Yew is the greatest contributor. Although he is criticized as tyrant, arbitrary, authoritative, he had been always persisting in his idea, not excited by the Western merits, advocacy ¡§Asian Values¡¨ and ¡§Confucianism¡¨ executing his ¡§Eastern authoritarian leadership style¡¨. Under his conduct, Singapore changes from head to feet and is praised as a miracle of ¡§politics and economics¡¨ in the world. Surely, that a country is strong or feeble depends on many aspects but the leader with sapience and characteristics of a statesman plays the main role. As is said, ¡§soldiers moves around their general¡¨, a leader constantly creates environments, then the people become accustomed in the district and go with his action as the leader go along with the timely opportunity, topographical advantage and social harmony. Lee Kuan Yew and his elitist cadres established the stable foundation for burgeoning by means of subjugating, candid, sagacious and practical leading style. We can examine the political leadership manner of Lee Kuan Yew carefully¡HHow he exert the leadership ability to confront challenge, break through predicament, overcome troubles and finally win the victory, shows boldness, intelligent resolution, braveness of a statesman everywhere. Anyway we can learn much more from Lee Kuan Yew.

The study is mainly to comprehend the historic background and status quo of Taiwan¡¦s labor welfare policy. Since the structure of welfare allocation was not accorded with equity and justice under the time of authoritarian regime and the content/structure of Taiwan¡¦s social welfare allocation were changed, the author would explore the substantive connotation of how KMT and DDP allocating the resources of labor welfare after democratization in Taiwan by way of integrately researching both parties¡¦ ideology of social welfare, the expenditure of welfare budge and policy measures, and using the definition of labor welfare¡¦s category based on the concept of social security as the research constructure to analyze how both parties allocate the resources of labor welfare while they were in power. During the process of democratic politics in the meantime, the policy of labor welfare is one of the national policies valued by each party. The democratic politics, economic development and power of civil society were emerged after the society and politics were liberalized in 1980s and the martial law was lifted in 1987. Regarding politics, the initial shape of party competition was forming as the advantage of KMT¡¦s dominant rule has been challenged and DPP was established. Therefore, during the process of party competition in 1990s, many policies of labor welfare were presented, especially in the compaign of election, each party suggested a lot of appealing policies of labor welfare to attract votes and win the election. Taiwan experienced the first party turnover in 2000 when DDP substituted for KMT to be the party who led Taiwan society which carried significance to Taiwanese. Whether the development of Taiwan labor¡¦s welfare would go on to become systematized, high-qualified and high-efficient, it depends on many variables of political/economic systems and social change. Overall, the welfare politics of democratic system with pluralistic competetion could be gradually fulfilled by representative politics, but such kind of multi-construct would be the paradise for vested interests, while the field which people could join in competing with adequate capacities will determine whether the allocation of social welfare resources and such consensus would be lifted or established. If such social consensus could be built up, then, the general welfare of welfare state and indiscriminate reallocative system would be achieved naturally without effort and there would also be an opportunity to promote national unity.

The purpose of this study was to investigate the relationship of parenting style, home-based involvement, parents’ educational expectations and pre-literacy readiness. Sixty-two preschool children and his or her parent or guardian participated in this study of: 1) The relationship between parenting style and pre-literacy readiness of Black children enrolled in Head Start programs; 2) The relationship between parents’ educational expectations of Black children enrolled in Head Start programs and preliteracy readiness; 3) The relationship between home-based involvement of Black parents and levels of pre-literacy readiness of their children enrolled in Head Start programs; and 4) The relationship between the predictor variables (i.e., parenting style, parental homebased involvement, and parents’ educational expectations) and pre-literacy readiness of Black children enrolled in Head Start programs. Data were obtained from a Parent Survey that was administered to parents of children who attended Head Start Centers. Child participants were also administered pre-literacy assessments. A series of correlation and multiple regression analyses were conducted to answer the four research questions in this study. Overall, all correlation and multiple regression analyses lacked significant results. None of the predictor variables had more of an influence on pre-literacy readiness variables. Despite the lack of significance, the results of this study contributes to the literature that supports that Black parents do have high expectations for their children and are engaging in activities at home with their children, whether it’s the primary caregiver (e.g., mother) or another person in the immediate or extended family (e.g., father, grandparents, uncle, boyfriend). These results further support the notion that Baumrind’s parenting style constructs may not generalize across other cultural and economical contexts. Future research is needed to determine the generalizability of these parenting style constructs across other ethnic minority and cultural groups. Practical implications of this study suggest that prevention and early intervention practices are two essential components in improving the learning outcomes of young minority children from less privileged backgrounds.

<p>By what means can legislative committees exercise influence on policy outputs? How and why do committees in different countries differ in their abilities to do so? This dissertation argues that legislative committee power is a multidimensional concept. Committee procedures can be distinguished into three analytic dimensions: 1) committees' positive agenda power, their power to ensure the placement of legislative versions preferred by them on the floor; 2) committees' negative agenda power, their power to delay or block the progress of legislation; and 3) committees' information capacity, institutional incentives granted to them to gather and transmit information. These distinct dimensions benefit different legislative actors. Therefore, they reflect different features of a political system, and may not be consistently strong or week.</p><p>Based on an original cross-national data set, the dissertation shows that committee procedures cluster empirically in these three distinct dimensions. Furthermore, the dissertation also demonstrates how legislators' electoral incentives, the composition of multiparty governments, preexisting authoritarian incumbents' uncertainty and bargaining power, and the changes in legislative memberships affect different dimensions of committee power.</p> / Dissertation

Harsh and punitive parenting styles have been historically associated with the development of eating pathology. More recently, early maladaptive schemas and experiential avoidance have also been implicated in disordered eating. Maladaptive schemas are cognitive scripts that are theorized to be learned within maladaptive environments and repeated throughout an individual’s life. Experiential avoidance involves a tendency to avoid negative emotional experiences through maladaptive strategies. Both maladaptive schemas and experiential avoidance have been implicated in the development of many psychological issues, including eating pathology. The current study attempts to bridge these bodies of literature to develop a model in which cognitive and emotional processes relate to perceived maladaptive parenting styles and the development of eating pathology. Two studies are presented within the current dissertation. The first is a survey based quantitative study that assesses the influence of perceived authoritarian parenting style on the development of binge and restrictive eating pathology. This study examines the mediating role of maladaptive schemas and the moderating role of experiential avoidance. Results of the study demonstrate that specific maladaptive schemas (i.e., mistrust/abuse, emotional deprivation, and defectiveness/shame) mediate the relation between perceived authoritarian parenting and restrictive eating, particularly for those participants with higher levels of experiential avoidance. A different set of maladaptive schemas (i.e., defectiveness/shame, subjugation, and insufficient self-control/self-discipline) was found to significantly mediate the relation between perceived authoritarian parenting and binge eating pathology. Within this model however, low levels of experiential avoidance did not mitigate the effects of maladaptive schemas on the development of binge eating. Using a thematically driven exploratory qualitative analysis in the second study, similar themes were observed in a series of interviews, highlighting the influence of parenting style, participant characteristics, and specific food/weight related issues in the development of disordered eating. New and interesting themes not addressed within Study 1 emerged, providing insight relevant to future clinical and theoretical work. The results of both studies emphasize the role of particular cognitive and emotional factors in the development of different forms of eating pathology. Implications for theory and clinical practice are discussed.

In this paper I will critically reflect upon an intercultural experience connected with appearance, dress, and the different mutual perceptions of 'others' in public space in current Moscow and Vienna. I will construe this experience as fundamentally different attitudes towards informal behaviour, appearance and gender ambivalence. One of the main causes of this situation I have located in the 1960s, a period of anti-authoritarian subcultural upheaval in the Soviet Union as well as 'the West'. The very different social, economic and political contexts of their emergence and their further ('socialist' vs. capitalist) trajectories are, as I will argue, at the root of the perceptions and connotations of casual wear and behaviour in the public spaces of present-day Moscow and Vienna.(author´s abstract) / Series: WU Online Papers in International Business Communication / Series One: Intercultural Communication and Language Learning

Emerging online discussions in a Weibo (micro-blogging) platform argue for the new possibility of online deliberation in Chinese cyberspace. In order to ascertain the extent to which this platform is being used, the author has conducted a case study to measure the quality of deliberation of an online discussion of genetically modified (GM) foods in the comment section of posts written by Mr. Cui and Mr. Fang on Tencent Weibo. In order to gain a comprehensive understanding of the data, both methods of Discourse Quality Index (DQI) and interview have been used. The findings of the research indicate that the online discussion fails to meet two necessary criteria of deliberation: rational and logical statements and consensus building. However, the study results are not totally negative, since the levels of interaction, information exchange, mutual understanding and neutral expression are relatively high. According to the author, in the contemporary stage, online authoritarian deliberation faces many problems in the PRC. At micro level, first, online expression is irrational and illogical; second, it is hard to reach consensus building; third, participants are stubborn to their pre-given wills; forth, some people are indifferent to online discussions. At macro level, first, most of the online discussions have low external impact on decision-making; second, the strong government control may hinder the development of online deliberation.

That authoritarian regimes adopt various strategies of societal control to secure their resilience has been widely explored in comparative politics. The scholarship has emphasized regimes’ reliance upon tactics as diverse as cooptation, economic and social policy reforms, and multiparty elections. Yet, existing comparative studies have predominantly focused on formal institutions, largely ignoring authoritarian states’ resort to informal rules as effective governance and regime preservation strategies. Local governments in China have tolerated underground Protestant churches, and in doing so, they have failed to enforce the central government’s policy of religious cooptation. This dissertation explores the reasons underlying local government tolerance of underground churches. I argue that accommodative informal institutions emerge out of a bargaining process involving agents (state and society) with a mutually compatible set of interests. Both parties need to reduce uncertainty about the other’s political intentions, and for that reason, they are likely to choose to cooperate strategically with one another. On the one hand, local officials view policies of religious cooptation as ineffective to curb the expansion of underground religion, and as increasingly risky to enforce in a context where an extensive use of coercion could be subject to severe professional sanctions. On the other hand, underground pastors seek to maximize their autonomy under authoritarian constraints; to that extent, they have used informal compliance as a strategy to earn local government acceptance. Compliance manifests itself in four ways: openness to dialogue with local authorities, the proactive sharing of sensitive information about church affairs, gift-giving and -receiving, and the maintenance of a low profile in terms of church size and rhetoric. Strategic cooperation brings benefits to both parties. It provides local public security officials’ with a stable source of intelligence about the underground space, which is key to ensuring an effective management of religious affairs. Moreover, it allows underground churches to remain autonomous from the state and decreases risks that they face coercion. Yet, inasmuch as informal arrangements are self-enforcing and rule-bound, they ultimately serve regime interests by increasing the costs of political mobilization for the compliant clergy, and by accentuating divisions between the latter and politicized pastors.

That authoritarian regimes adopt various strategies of societal control to secure their resilience has been widely explored in comparative politics. The scholarship has emphasized regimes’ reliance upon tactics as diverse as cooptation, economic and social policy reforms, and multiparty elections. Yet, existing comparative studies have predominantly focused on formal institutions, largely ignoring authoritarian states’ resort to informal rules as effective governance and regime preservation strategies. Local governments in China have tolerated underground Protestant churches, and in doing so, they have failed to enforce the central government’s policy of religious cooptation. This dissertation explores the reasons underlying local government tolerance of underground churches. I argue that accommodative informal institutions emerge out of a bargaining process involving agents (state and society) with a mutually compatible set of interests. Both parties need to reduce uncertainty about the other’s political intentions, and for that reason, they are likely to choose to cooperate strategically with one another. On the one hand, local officials view policies of religious cooptation as ineffective to curb the expansion of underground religion, and as increasingly risky to enforce in a context where an extensive use of coercion could be subject to severe professional sanctions. On the other hand, underground pastors seek to maximize their autonomy under authoritarian constraints; to that extent, they have used informal compliance as a strategy to earn local government acceptance. Compliance manifests itself in four ways: openness to dialogue with local authorities, the proactive sharing of sensitive information about church affairs, gift-giving and -receiving, and the maintenance of a low profile in terms of church size and rhetoric. Strategic cooperation brings benefits to both parties. It provides local public security officials’ with a stable source of intelligence about the underground space, which is key to ensuring an effective management of religious affairs. Moreover, it allows underground churches to remain autonomous from the state and decreases risks that they face coercion. Yet, inasmuch as informal arrangements are self-enforcing and rule-bound, they ultimately serve regime interests by increasing the costs of political mobilization for the compliant clergy, and by accentuating divisions between the latter and politicized pastors.