This dissertation aims to position train surfing as a visual spectacle that is practised by Sowetan train surfers within the context of post-authoritarian Johannesburg. The author argues that train surfing is a visual and spatial phenomenon that is theoretically under-researched. As such, this study aims to decode seven train surfing videos to establish what train surfing looks like, where train surfing occurs and why individuals participate in such a high risk activity. This study, furthermore, aims to frame train surfing as a spectacle by investigating the similarities between train surfing and rites of passage (initiation rites). The author also regards train surfing as a very specific form of storytelling. The narratives conveyed in the seven videos are, therefore, interpreted to establish that train surfing is practised to ‘voice’ fatalistic feelings, societal as well as individual crises. After establishing the visual aspects of train surfing, the author focuses on the spatial context of train surfing. Johannesburg is described as both an authoritarian and post-authoritarian construct by tracing the spatial and political history of the city. When the discussion turns to the post-authoritarian city, townships and squatter settlements are analysed as being both marginal and hybrid spaces. It is argued that townships are marginal spaces due to their location, they are inhabited by the underclass and they are formed by processes of capitalism and urbanisation, and as a result of these factors, township residents might have fatalistic mindsets (Gulick 1989). The author, however, contends that township space is an ambivalent construct, and as such, it can also be read as hybrid space. Here, hybrid space is interpreted as a platform from which township residents can resist oppressing spatial and political ideologies. In this context, train surfing is regarded as one way in which train surfers use hybrid space to express tactics of resistance. After establishing the spatial context of train surfing, the socio-economic and material living conditions of train surfers are investigated. The discussion firstly, explores the underclass, as theorised by Jencks and Peterson (1990), and thereafter highlights why train surfers can be classified as being part of this sub-category. It is, furthermore, argued that Sowetan train surfers are part of a new lost generation due to high unemployment rates, the HIV/AIDS pandemic and bleak future outlooks. The author aims to establish that, as a result of their socio-economic status and material living conditions, train surfers are fatalistic, and practice an extreme activity to exert control over one area of their lives, namely their bodies. Lastly, the dissertation aims to explore train surfing as being both a risk-taking activity and a new spatial practice. The dynamics of adolescent risk-taking behaviour is explored by emphasising the psychological motivations behind high risk activities. The author argues that alienating space can be regarded as an additional factor that usher adolescents into risk-taking activities. As such, the place(s) and space(s) inhabited by train surfers, namely Johannesburg, Soweto and township train stations, are discussed as alienating spaces. Moreover, it is argued that alienating spaces create opportunities for resistance (following the power-resistance dialectic inherent to space), and as such, train surfing is interpreted as a de-alienating spatial practice that enables the marginalised train surfer to exert control over his surroundings. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Visual Arts / unrestricted

This thesis will deal with a topic of the second Czechoslovak republic as a case of authoritarian situation, which transforms into authoritarian regime. The regime of the second republic will be compared with similar cases of interwar Portugal and Austria. Also, conditions of establishing democracy and its preservation, the influence of individual branches of the nondemocratic right on breakdown of democracy, authoritarian situation and building of authoritarian regime will be analyzed. In the end, this thesis will focus on cases of borrowing elements of fascist political style by mentioned regimes.

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The role of unfair elections in breakdown or maintenance of electoral authoritarian regimes has been subject to debate in recent research. On the one hand, the conduct of elections may serve to enhance popular legitimacy and deter challenges to the regime. On the other hand, electoral manipulation may contribute to grievances that fuel mass protest. However, empirical research on the consequences of electoral manipulation for popular support has been limited by the availability of appropriate survey data and has mostly focused on summary or process-based assessments of electoral unfairness. The premise of this study is that electoral manipulation is difficult to assess due to its inherent complexity and ambiguity. As a result, citizens are likely to use cognitive shortcuts to interpret electoral manipulation. Applying psychological theories of justice and motivated political reasoning in this context, this project aims to investigate how both process- and outcome-based assessments of election unfairness influence summary judgments of election quality, regime support, and support for electoral protest. It further seeks to determine how voters' political preferences bias, or condition, the impact of election unfairness evaluations. These propositions are tested using novel data from the XIX New Russia Barometer survey, conducted shortly after the controversial 2011 Russian State Duma election that triggered mass electoral protests. This study finds that perceived election outcome unfairness affects reactions to elections alongside assessments of the electoral process; it also shows evidence of partisan reasoning in evaluations of election unfairness. Ultimately, this project points to some factors that may explain the diverging consequences of electoral manipulation for popular support.

This essay aims to answer how domestic politics and events have affected the democratic development in Turkey from 2005 until 2015. Two questions are being discussed and answered; how has the democratic development in Turkey between 2005 and 2015 played out, and; which internal factors have contributed to the democratic development direction. The study is a theory consuming case study with both an explanatory and descriptive approach. The theoretical framework is built upon theories regarding democratization, regime types challenges of democratic consolidation are collected from well-established scientists. This framework is used on the empirical material of the study to bring forward answers to the research questions. The results of the study show that after some positive democratic around 2005, the democratic development has taken an anti-democratic turn after 2011. What could be described as an electoral democracy with liberal democratic tendencies in 2005 is 2015 better described as a hybrid regime, with authoritarian tendencies.

During the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) a mix of right-wing ideologies existed among the Francoist forces. In sharp contrast with the Republican forces, the Francoist insurgents were successful in banding together despite their ideological differences. However, in the postwar era, this relative unity gave way to a struggle among the different ideological positions, each striving to impose its agenda for the new State. The party Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista (FET y de las JONS) assumed power, but was not entirely successful in advancing its totalitarian project, which it had inherited from the prewar FE de las JONS party. Unsatisfied with this outcome, staunch Falangists employed political strategies to squelch the opposition of the military, conservatives, royalists and the Church, whose ideals differed in many ways. The purpose of this dissertation is to demonstrate how the political strategies used by the Falangists against opposing factions are mirrored in the cultural sphere, especially in literary and cinematographic portrayals of war. The propagandistic nature of these works is reflected in their narrative structures and literary characters, as in what Susan Suleiman refers to as “authoritarian fictions.” This study examines the ways in which Falangists propaganda exploits distinct features of the Rif War, the Civil War, and the Second World War, in order to promote key parts of the Nationalist Syndicalist ideology endorsed by core Falangists. This essay traces the transformation of these authoritarian narrative schemes as the hegemonic political position of National Syndicalism begins to deteriorate. In response to this unwelcome political change, Falangists propaganda becomes increasingly critical toward the other ideological positions of the Francoist Regime. This dissertation thus shows the way in which shifting political tides are mirrored in the cultural production of Falangist propaganda.

Dans toutes les étapes d'un procès pénal, dès son ouverture jusqu'à sa clôture et le prononcé du verdict, le juge dispose d'un pouvoir particulier, dit "discrétionnaire", qui n'est pas soumis à un contrôle par une cour supérieure. La latitude du pouvoir discrétionnaire du juge pénal a suscité plusieurs enjeux afin de déterminer sa nature juridique et son étendue. À plusieurs reprises, l'ampleur de ce pouvoir a aussi conduit à l'enchevêtrer avec certaines notions voisines, telles que le pouvoir arbitraire, pouvoir souverain et l'intime conviction du juge. En outre, dans le but de prévenir tout risque de pouvoir arbitraire, le législateur a imposé à la Cour d'assises, sous la loi n° 939-2011 du 10 août 2011, de motiver sa décision. Nonobstant, le pouvoir discrétionnaire demeure toujours pourvu d'une portée large durant le déroulement du procès. En conséquence, ce pouvoir produit des effets contestables sur le principe de l'impartialité du juge et celui de l'égalité des citoyens devant la loi. Dans cette optique, on estime opportun de traiter, d'une part, la concordance entre le pouvoir discrétionnaire du juge et le concept de la justice, et d'autre part, l'impact de son opinion subjective sur la mise en œuvre de la justice. Cette étude souligne aussi l'exercice du pouvoir discrétionnaire par le juge notamment en relation avec la prise en considération des preuves et le choix de la peine. À cet égard, cette étude a été mise en lumière sous certains systèmes juridiques arabes et étrangers. / At the various stages of the proceedings, from the start of the trial until its closure and the pronunciation of the verdict, the judge has a specific power called "discretionary". Such power is not subject to the control of a supreme court. The latitude of discretion of the judge raises several issues to determine its legal nature and essence. At several occasions, the extent of this power has also created a confusion with some related concepts, such as arbitrary power, sovereign power and the intimate conviction of the judge. In addition, to prevent any risk of arbitrary power, the legislator has imposed the Criminal Court, under Law No. 939-2011 of 10 August 2011, to provide a motivation of its sentence. Notwithstanding this obligation, the scope of such discretion remains wide during the trial. Consequently, it greatly affects the principle of impartiality of the judge and the principle of equality of citizens before the law. In this light, we consider appropriate to study, firstly, the extent of compatibility between this power and the ideological concept of justice, and the impact of his personal view to implement the justice. Secondly, we emphasize the exercise of the discretionary power by the judge with regard to the rules of evidence and the choice of sentence. The study also highlighted some foreign and Arab legal systems.

Strongmen leaders in the 21st century continue to have a role to play in organizations and business. This research is an inquiry to provide understanding behind the tendency to follow strongman leaders that exist in Eastern Europe. The term strongman leaders have attracted the attention of some researchers, but what lacks in terms of it, is the approach towards it on behalf of Eastern Europe, specifically with a focus in Russia and Turkey due to the fact that these countries serve as the most significant representatives of the area.   The research question which this work aims to answer is “Why is strongman leadership style prevalent in Eastern Europe?” In order to answer the research question, a conceptual model is built along with the literature review and theoretical framework. In addition, secondary data consisting of surveys and case studies conducted by previous researchers are collected in order to provide additional scientific background to the process of analysis. While building and using this model, we suggest that in Russia and Turkey, the prevalence of strongman leadership style is influenced by the history, economy, and culture. In this kind of environment, we think that the leader’s personality matching specific cultural dimensions establish an additional link to the interrelation between the concepts.   The contribution of this thesis stands on providing an understanding of the factors that influence innovation implementation within teams. The research is composed of the introduction, literature review, methodology, analysis, and conclusions which comprise of 64 pages. The bibliography is composed of books and scientific articles.

Este trabalho busca aprofundar a análise sobre os aspectos autoritários do sistema político brasileiro durante o período conhecido como Milagre Econômico (1969-1973), cujo suporte ideológico foi fundamentado e sustentado pela Doutrina de Segurança Nacional e Desenvolvimento, produzida pela Escola Superior de Guerra. Através de ampla pesquisa bibliográfica de autores que se debruçaram sobre o tema, dos manuais de segurança nacional e, sobretudo dos planos econômicos que correspondem ao período estudado, em especial o Plano de Ação Econômica, Programa Estratégico de Desenvolvimento e o Primeiro Plano Nacional de Desenvolvimento, percebemos o quanto o autoritarismo político foi necessário para que os governos militares impusessem um novo modelo econômico, que se de um lado propiciou o rápido desenvolvimento da economia e a redução da inflação, por outro, desvalorizou os salários dos trabalhadores, aumentou o processo de endividamento e de concentração de renda, aumentando ainda mais a desigualdade social no Brasil. Nossa pesquisa analisa também de que forma ocorre a renovação da tradição autoritária brasileira, do ponto de vista do sistema político que historicamente sempre reprimiu com violência movimentos de contestação a ordem vigente. Agora através da forte repressão política as forças de oposição aos militares, sob a égide do combate ao comunismo internacional no contexto da guerra fria. Por fim, o trabalho de pesquisa mostra que a acumulação capitalista do período estudado (1969-1973), só foi possível pelo emprego da violência institucional colocada em prática pelo Estado Autoritário, sob o comando das forças armadas. / This study seeks to deepen the analysis of the authoritarian aspects of the Brazilian political system during the period known as the Economic Miracle (1969-1973), whose ideological support was reasoned and supported by the National Security Doctrine and Development, produced by the War College. Through extensive literature survey of authors who have studied the subject, manuals and national security, especially economic plans that correspond to the period studied, in particular the Economic Action Plan, Strategic Program Development and the First National Development Plan, realize how the political authoritarianism that was necessary for the military government to impose a new economic model, which is a side facilitated the rapid development of economy and reducing inflation, on the other hand, played down the wages of workers, increased the process of borrowing and concentration of income, further increasing social inequality in Brazil. Our research also analyzes how is the renewal of the Brazilian authoritarian tradition, from the standpoint of the political system that has historically repressed violently protest movements established order. Now through strong political repression of opposition forces to the military, under the aegis of the fight against international communism in the context of the Cold War. Finally, the research work shows that the capital accumulation of the period studied (1969-1973), was made possible by the use of institutional violence put in place by authoritarian rule, under the command of the armed forces.

A presente pesquisa trata sobre alguns dos principais legados e heranças que o regime militar de 1964-1985 trouxe ao Brasil. Num primeiro momento abordou-se a formação sócio-política da América Latina, se restringindo mais especificamente à América do Sul, chegando-se ao período que genericamente conhecemos por populismo. E, na sequência, um panorama histórico dos regimes militares que permearam a vida política de várias nações sul-americanas, como Peru, Chile e Argentina, a partir da década de 1960. A análise torna-se centrada no Brasil, a partir da exposição da participação dos militares na política nacional, desde a proclamação da República, em 1889, passando-se pela República Velha, a Era Vargas (1930-1945) e pelo período democrático, iniciado em 1946, até a renúncia de Jânio Quadros, em 1961. Ao chegar-se no período de João Goulart (1961-1964), a análise se torna mais detalhada por aquele ter sido o governo derrubado pelo golpe de 1964. Segue-se um panorama histórico bastante abrangente dos cinco presidentes-generais que governaram o Brasil entre 1964 a 1985: Castelo Branco; Costa e Silva; Médici; Ernesto Geisel; e João Figueiredo. Naquele momento, o trabalho se detém num exame mais acurado do milagre econômico; dos anos de chumbo; da distensão ou abertura; e da transição democrática, com o movimento das Diretas-Já e o Colégio Eleitoral que elegeu Tancredo Neves, presidente da República, em 1985. Após esta longa retomada histórica, são abordados os legados e as heranças do regime militar ao espaço geográfico-territorial brasileiro tomando-se como fio norteador o conceito e o processo de modernização conservadora/centralizadora. Este processo é analisado desde as suas raízes, na Revolução de 1930 e início da Era Vargas, destacando-se o Estado Novo varguista (1937-1945), prosseguindo-se pelo período democrático pós-1946, tratando-se, em especial, do outro governo de Getúlio Vargas (1951-1954) e o de Juscelino Kubitschek (1956-1960). E chega-se ao regime militar iniciado em 1964. O foco desta parte do trabalho são as políticas territoriais adotadas e implementadas pelo governo federal ao longo dessas diferentes fases político-institucionais do Brasil e que afetaram o território nacional trazendo reflexos até hoje, bem como a implantação, estruturação e a consolidação de redes por parte dos governos militares pós- 1964 como a de transportes, a urbana, a de telecomunicações, a elétrica, etc., procurando-se salientar que essa modernização autoritária, imposta pelo governo central brasileiro, apresentou notória continuidade apesar das mudanças político-institucionais que o Brasil experimentou naquelas décadas, fazendo-se então um balanço dos legados e das heranças que esse modelo modernizante, reforçado sobremaneira pelo regime militar, trouxe ao espaço geográfico e território brasileiro, em nome da unificação e da integração nacionais. Finalmente, este trabalho faz uma breve retomada histórica da Geografia Política e da Geopolítica,desde o século XIX até ao século XX, posteriormente adentrando-se no pensamento geopolítico brasileiro, desde a década de 1930 até a visão triunfalista do Brasil-Potência dos anos 1970, com especial destaque ao pensamento de Golbery do Couto e Silva. E depois, as críticas à esta visão triunfalista e ao pensamento geopolítico no Brasil, com a necessidade de se repensar a Geografia Política em nosso país. / The present research about some major legacies to the 1964-1985 military regime brought to Brazil. At first approached the formation social and policy of Latin America, if restricting more specifically to South America, the period generally known as populism. And, as a result, a history of the military regimes that permeated the political life of several South American Nations, such as Peru, Chile and Argentina, from the early 60s. The analysis becomes centered in Brazil, from the exposure of military participation in national politics, since the proclamation of the Republic in 1889, passing by the old Republic, the Vargas Era (1930-1945) and the democratic period, which started in 1946, until the resignation of President Jânio Quadros in 1961. Upon arriving in the period of João Goulart (1961-1964), the analysis becomes more detail for that have been the Government overthrown by the coup détat of 1964. Below is a comprehensive historical overview of the five Presidents-generals who ruled Brazil between 1964 to 1985: Castelo Branco; Costa e Silva; Medici; Ernesto Geisel; and João Figueiredo. At that time, the work comes to a halt in a more accurate examination of the \"economic miracle\"; the \"years of lead\"; the \"bloating\" or opening; and the democratic transition, with the movement of the \"direct\" and the electoral college that elected Tancredo Neves, President of the Republic, in 1985. After this long historical resume, are covered and the legacies of the military regime to the geographical space-Brazilian territorial taking as \"guiding wire\" the concept and the conservative modernization process/centering. This process is analyzed from its roots in the revolution of 1930 and early Vargas highlighting New Vargas State (1937-1945), continuing the democratic period post 1946, dealing, in particular, of another Government of Getúlio Vargas (1951-1954) and the Juscelino Kubitschek (1956-1960). And arrive at the military regime started in 1964. The focus of this part of the job are territorial policies adopted and implemented by the federal Government over these different political and institutional stages of Brazil and that affected the country bringing reflections until today, as well as deployment, structuring and consolidation of networks by military governments post 1964 as urbanization, transports, telecommunications, electric , etc., should be noted that this authoritarian modernization, imposed by the central Government of Brazil, presented notorious continuity despite political and institutional changes that Brazil experienced in those decades, doing a legacy and balance of the legacies that this model of modernization greatly reinforced by the military regime, brought to the geographical space and Brazilian territory, in the name of national integration and unification. Finally, this work makes a brief resumption of political geography and Geopolitics since the 19th century until the 20th century, later entering in the Brazilian geopolitical thinking, since the 1930 until the vision \"triumphalist\" of \"Brazil-power\" of the 70´s, with special emphasis on thought of Golbery do Couto e Silva. And then, the criticism of this vision \"triumphalist\" and geopolitical thinking in Brazil, with the need to rethink the political geography in our country.