Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Edilson Montrose de Aguiar Junior.pdf: 1205352 bytes, checksum: 7a4b174f3861e06bff4ab9da85f55d30 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / From the state of the art of researches that say - using the theoretical framework developed by political scientist Nicos Poulantzas -, for the most part, the political hegemony within the power bloc in Brazil has been exercised by the banking and financial fraction. This hegemony, which began in the nineties, is maintained even during the Lula and Dilma governments. From this foundation, we sought to investigate how were appreciated in Congress (fundamentally the Chamber of Deputies, secondly in the Federal Senate) the interests of the banking and financial fraction. The choice of the examined interests was made from editions of the document Agenda of the Financial Sector , prepared by the National Confederation of Financial Institutions. We listed some topics and analyzed more than one hundred and twenty bills introduced during the period of Lula and Dilma governments (2003-2015). We also analyzed the speeches of deputies in which occurred keywords like financial system , bank profits , spread , tax wedge , Bradesco and Itaú . The obtained results show that the contrary projects were more than twice the favorable projects. However, the approval rates of projects (contrary or favorable) were low when presented by the Legislative and high when presented by the Executive. Regarding the speeches, there is a clear predominance of negative reviews about the banking and financial fraction. It was concluded then that, corroborating previous theories, the banking and financial fraction has difficulty to legitimize itself at the Legislative, where other classes and class fractions are present. The Executive gives it greater shelter. However, it is noticeable also that the banking and financial fraction has organized and mobilized itself in recent years to be legitimized at the Legislative too / O estado das artes das pesquisas que se utilizam do referencial teórico elaborado pelo cientista político Nicos Poulantzas, afirmam, em sua maioria, que a hegemonia política no interior do bloco no poder no Brasil tem sido exercida pela fração bancário-financeira. Esta hegemonia, iniciada nos anos noventa, mantém-se mesmo durante os governos Lula e Dilma. A partir deste embasamento buscou-se investigar como foram apreciados no Congresso Nacional (fundamentalmente na Câmara dos Deputados, secundariamente no Senado Federal) os interesses da fração bancário-financeira. A escolha dos interesses examinados se fez a partir das edições do documento Agenda Legislativa do Sistema Financeiro , elaborada pela Confederação Nacional das Instituições Financeiras. Elencamos alguns temas e analisamos mais de cento e vinte projetos de lei apresentados durante o período dos governos Lula e Dilma (2003-2015). Também analisamos os discursos de deputados nos quais constassem algumas palavras-chave como sistema financeiro , lucro dos bancos , spread , cunha fiscal , Bradesco e Itaú . Os resultados a que chegamos demonstram que, os projetos contrários foram mais que o dobro dos favoráveis. Contudo, as taxas de aprovação dos projetos (contrários ou favoráveis) foram baixas quando apresentados pelo Legislativo e altas quando apresentados pelo Executivo. Em relação aos discursos há um claro predomínio de avaliações negativas sobre a fração bancário-financeira. Concluiu-se então que, corroborando teses anteriores, a fração bancário-financeira tem dificuldades para se legitimar no Legislativo, local onde outras classes e frações de classes estão presentes. O Executivo lhe confere maior guarida. Entretanto, se verifica também que a fração bancário-financeira tem se organizado e mobilizado em anos recentes para também se legitimar no Legislativo

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:55:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Edilson Montrose de Aguiar Junior.pdf: 1205352 bytes, checksum: 7a4b174f3861e06bff4ab9da85f55d30 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / From the state of the art of researches that say - using the theoretical framework developed by political scientist Nicos Poulantzas -, for the most part, the political hegemony within the power bloc in Brazil has been exercised by the banking and financial fraction. This hegemony, which began in the nineties, is maintained even during the Lula and Dilma governments. From this foundation, we sought to investigate how were appreciated in Congress (fundamentally the Chamber of Deputies, secondly in the Federal Senate) the interests of the banking and financial fraction. The choice of the examined interests was made from editions of the document Agenda of the Financial Sector , prepared by the National Confederation of Financial Institutions. We listed some topics and analyzed more than one hundred and twenty bills introduced during the period of Lula and Dilma governments (2003-2015). We also analyzed the speeches of deputies in which occurred keywords like financial system , bank profits , spread , tax wedge , Bradesco and Itaú . The obtained results show that the contrary projects were more than twice the favorable projects. However, the approval rates of projects (contrary or favorable) were low when presented by the Legislative and high when presented by the Executive. Regarding the speeches, there is a clear predominance of negative reviews about the banking and financial fraction. It was concluded then that, corroborating previous theories, the banking and financial fraction has difficulty to legitimize itself at the Legislative, where other classes and class fractions are present. The Executive gives it greater shelter. However, it is noticeable also that the banking and financial fraction has organized and mobilized itself in recent years to be legitimized at the Legislative too / O estado das artes das pesquisas que se utilizam do referencial teórico elaborado pelo cientista político Nicos Poulantzas, afirmam, em sua maioria, que a hegemonia política no interior do bloco no poder no Brasil tem sido exercida pela fração bancário-financeira. Esta hegemonia, iniciada nos anos noventa, mantém-se mesmo durante os governos Lula e Dilma. A partir deste embasamento buscou-se investigar como foram apreciados no Congresso Nacional (fundamentalmente na Câmara dos Deputados, secundariamente no Senado Federal) os interesses da fração bancário-financeira. A escolha dos interesses examinados se fez a partir das edições do documento Agenda Legislativa do Sistema Financeiro , elaborada pela Confederação Nacional das Instituições Financeiras. Elencamos alguns temas e analisamos mais de cento e vinte projetos de lei apresentados durante o período dos governos Lula e Dilma (2003-2015). Também analisamos os discursos de deputados nos quais constassem algumas palavras-chave como sistema financeiro , lucro dos bancos , spread , cunha fiscal , Bradesco e Itaú . Os resultados a que chegamos demonstram que, os projetos contrários foram mais que o dobro dos favoráveis. Contudo, as taxas de aprovação dos projetos (contrários ou favoráveis) foram baixas quando apresentados pelo Legislativo e altas quando apresentados pelo Executivo. Em relação aos discursos há um claro predomínio de avaliações negativas sobre a fração bancário-financeira. Concluiu-se então que, corroborando teses anteriores, a fração bancário-financeira tem dificuldades para se legitimar no Legislativo, local onde outras classes e frações de classes estão presentes. O Executivo lhe confere maior guarida. Entretanto, se verifica também que a fração bancário-financeira tem se organizado e mobilizado em anos recentes para também se legitimar no Legislativo

Cette recherche s’inscrit au croisement de deux problématiques des études urbaines : le gouvernement urbain et les services publics en réseau. Elle étudie le cas de la gestion des déchets ménagers en Égypte à travers trois études de cas (Le Caire, Giza et Alexandrie) où la délégation du service à des entreprises européennes a transformé la gestion urbaine. Avant les Révoltes, l’Égypte, malgré des réformes de libéralisation économique et politique de façade, était demeurée un régime autoritaire et centralisé. Dans ce contexte d’une absence a priori de gouvernement urbain, comment assurer l’adaptation locale et la réponse aux besoins locaux d’une politique publique ? Proposant une grille de lecture du gouvernement urbain, nous étudions sa formation et/ou transformation et les conditions de la territorialisation des politiques publiques à travers la réforme de la gestion des déchets. Définissant ce service public comme « réseau mou », nous postulons qu’il a des caractéristiques propres à modeler le gouvernement urbain dans sa dimension institutionnelle et horizontale. Trois résultats peuvent être tirés de cette recherche. Tout d’abord, si l’État, pendant le processus de réforme, jouait un rôle central, une partie du service lui échappe dans l’implantation de la politique. Deuxièmement, ce réseau « mou » peut atteindre des objectifs de service public au même titre que les réseaux « durs » traditionnels (eau, assainissement, etc.) dans le cadre. Troisièmement, que y compris dans un régime autoritaire, ce service public particulier, a stimulé la formation de gouvernements urbains dans une forme d’autonomie vis-à-vis de l’État / This research is situated at the crossover between two issues in urban studies: urban government and networked public infrastructure. It explores the case of solid waste management reform in Egypt, through three case studies (Cairo, Giza and Alexandria) where the privatization of public utilities involving European companies has affected urban management. Before the Arab Spring (as the uprisings were called), Egypt was governed under an authoritarian and centralized regime, despite some surface economic and political reforms. In this context of an a priori absence of urban government, how can public policy be locally adapted to fit local needs? Developing a framework of analysis related to urban government, we study its formation and/or transformation and the condition through which public policies are translated into action on the ground through the reform of solid waste management. Defining this public utility as a ‟soft-network″, we postulate that it has characteristics, which allow it to shape urban government in its institutional and horizontal dimensions. Three results can be drawn from the research. Firstly, we show that the State played a central role, during implementation at the local level. However, the State lost control of a part of the utility management in the process. Secondly, this ‟soft-network″ was able to attain the objectives of a public utility, just as traditional ‟hard-networks″ do (water, sanitation, etc.). Thirdly, even under an authoritarian regime, this specific public networked utility did indeed participate in the local formation of urban government in Egypt in a kind of autonomy from the State.

一九九0年代的台灣，社會福利政策突然成了輿論的焦點。儘管政府、學術界或社會團體，對如何規劃台灣的社會福利藍圖，有不同的看法，但對於加強福利保障此一發展目標，則有普遍的共識。身為福利發展的後進國，西方福利國家的發展經驗值得我們借鏡；而往後福利政策的計劃與實施，更必需面對四十年來威權體制下的福利發展歷史，及所遺留下來的種種問題。 　　本論文研究一九四九年到一九九0年間，台灣地區威權體制下的福利政策。就如所有社會科學的研究一般，除了資料的蒐集外，作者如何表達、呈現出問題的意義，往往決定了一篇論文的面貌。筆者基本上認為，要了解某一政策的產出，必需將其放在國家機關與民間社會的關係脈絡中分析。這種關係在相當程度上，是受國內外政經結構的變化所制約的；而且，政策並非獨立地存在。無論是在決策或實踐階段，不同政策間往往存在若干有機的聯結，彼此互相競合及影響。因此，本文的研究步驟，首先是分析威權體制下，國家機關與民間社會的特殊關係；接著將焦點放在福利政策與政治、經濟、社會政策問的關聯方面。希望藉由此種方式，了解在威權體制下福利政策的意義。 　　在內容方面，本論文共分七章：第一章論述威權體制的分析途徑、關於福利國家發展的研究成果，以及本論文的架構；第二章對台灣社會福利的現況作重點式的整理，也是對威權體制下福利發展結果的概述，第三、四、五、六章分別分析軍公教人員、勞工、農民與弱勢群體的福利政策；第七章結論部份，則是整合前述各章節，對四十餘年來台灣的福利發展，作一總體性的分析。

一九四九年國民黨政府遷臺後﹐在臺灣所實行的統治型態是介於民主與極 權之間的威權體制。它的特徵包括有限的政治參與、一黨支配、低度的政 治動員等。臺灣在國民黨的執政下﹐以三民主義為統治的意識型態基礎﹐ 具備政治、軍事強人身份的兩位蔣總統為統治核心﹐而國家建構(na- tion building )的終極目標則是：在國共鬥爭中重新奪回歷史正統的地 位。這樣的統治企圖影響了往後中央政府的組織架構﹐除了國會長期不改 選之外﹐行政體制的發展也遭受不同程度的扭曲：在官僚系統方面﹐黨政 關係的糾葛使行政無法中立；常任文官的考選違背公平公正公開的原則﹐ 另為外省籍人士與軍人開方便之門；政務官無法進入國民黨中央的決策核 心﹐重要政策的決定權仍由老一輩的革命菁英所把持( 唯一例外的是財政 、經濟政策﹐國民黨的威權控制此地便顯得力不從心﹐因此具專業背景的 技術官僚得以獲得較大的自主權 )﹐使得決策品質粗糙且不符社會需求。 在政府組織方面﹐初期國民黨因為並無長久居留的打算﹐所以政府內出現 許多臨時性機構﹐而且以「委員會」型態出現的一級單位特多﹐疊床架屋 的情況非常嚴重﹐尤其組織規範多半是以行政命令取代法律﹐成為不折不 扣未法制化的「黑機關」；其次﹐因為經濟建設是國民黨政府進行國家建 構過程中的發展主軸﹐因此負責設計經濟建設計畫的機關成為政府組織中 最重要、權力最大的部門﹐其職權範圍甚至超過負責經濟行政事務的經濟 部與主管金融政策的財政部。從一九四九年成立的生管會起至目前的經建 會止﹐雖然今天其功能與地位已不如從前﹐但基本上它仍是政府組織之中 相當重要的機構。隨著強人已逝與威權體制的解體﹐轉型期中的中央行政 體系正面臨一個新的發展階段。唯有調整「大有為政府」的牧民心態﹐消 除行政權的篡奪性格﹐「國民政府」的民主行政才有實現的一天。

Der vierte Band der Potsdamer Textbücher bringt erstmals den klassischen Text der Politikwissenschaft zum Thema diktatorische Herrschaftssysteme in deutscher Sprache. Juan Linz reflektiert darin die Debatten um Totalitarismus und Demokratie und beschreibt die autoritäre Herrschaft als eigenständige Form politischer Machtausübung. Es ist eine exzellente Auseinandersetzung mit den politischen Phänomenen des 20. Jahrhunderts, die sich durch theoretische Tiefe, empirische Fülle und methodische Klarheit auszeichnet.

Is the risk of civil conflict related to the quality of government? This dissertation contributes to the quantitative research on this topic. First, it provides a more nuanced account of the role of the government in influencing the risk of civil conflict. In doing so, the dissertation bridges a gap between the quantitative literature, which primarily focuses on types of regimes, and the qualitative literature, which emphasizes variations in how political authority is exercised within these institutions. Second, the dissertation introduces novel measures of the quality of government, and tests their association with civil peace across countries, over time. The dissertation consists of an introductory chapter and four separate essays. Essay I examines the risk of conflict across different types of authoritarian regimes. The statistical results suggest that single-party regimes have a lower risk of civil conflict than military and multi-party authoritarian regimes. The finding is attributed to the high capacity for coercion and co-optation within single-party institutions. Essay II studies whether cross-national variations in the occurrence of civil conflict are due to differences in the quality of government. The essay finds that governments that are not able to carry through such basic governing tasks as protecting property rights and providing public goods, render themselves vulnerable to civil conflict. The focus of Essay III is on patronage politics, meaning that rulers rely on the distribution of private goods to retain the support necessary to stay in power. The statistical results suggest that patronage politics per se increase the risk of conflict. The conflict-inducing effect is mediated by large oil-wealth, however, because the government can use the wealth strategically to buy off opposition. Essay IV argues that patronage politics can also lead to violent conflict between groups. The results from a statistical analysis, based on unique sub-national data on inter-group conflict in Nigeria, are consistent with this argument. Taken together, the findings of this dissertation suggest that both the form and degree of government have a significant influence on the risk of civil conflict.

Political success in semi-democratic countries has two aspects: shifting the balance of power in one’s favor and maintaining it. This thesis seeks to examine how the AKP has succeeded in shifting the balance of power in its favor while its predecessor the Welfare Party did not. Focusing on electoral success, existing research primarily lists center-periphery conflict, moderation, class struggle, party organization, and failures of others as the main determinants. Yet the significance of reining in the power of the Kemalist state structure has been mostly disregarded. Therefore, with a comparison of the AKP (2002-2007) and the Welfare Party (1996-1997) governments, this study tests one assertion using most-similar systems research design that in semi-democratic political settings with strong authoritarian actors, political parties that build broad coalitions via group specific policy promises will be more likely to shift the balance of power in favor of themselves than actors that lack such connections.

Title: “Starting to close the communication gap in technology transfer to the PRC” Level: Final assignment for Master Degree in Business Administration Author: Jiani Yang,  Zhouni Lin Supervisor: Ernst HOLLANDER Examiner:  Akmal HYDER Date: 2012-May Purpose — We have double purpose of promoting SME’s involvement in PRC’s development and technology transfer for sustainability in this research. From the double perspective of Chinese business economics and long run cooperation with Swedish enterprises, we investigate and analysis the main problems faced by SMEs when taking technology transfer to China.  By doing this to help SMEs to overcome the barriers during technology transfer and promote the international technology transfer cooperation in the long run, as well as appeal technology transfer agencies to adopt a holistic approach to help SMEs to plan and implement technology transfer projects effectively and sustainably. Design/methodology/approach — We use the technology transfer project in China’s sewage market as our research case to illustrate our research problems. The discussion is based on the existing literatures regarding technology transfer, former researches and authentic cases about technology transfer to China, and interviews with relevant people. Findings — The findings indicates there is huge potential business opportunities in China’s sewage treatment market. Information transparency plays a critical role to foster the cooperation between transferor and transfers, as well as promoting SME’s involvement in China. Get directly to the leader taking the decisions is one effective way to get access to China’s market in short term. Communication gap becomes one of the main concerns for SMEs when taking technology transfer to China. In mid-term, organize workshop, get to learn with the local employee, promote the understanding between each other; get to the person who is capable to understand the technology and its effect is necessary; For the long run cooperation, technology transfer process transparency needs to be improved. Originality/value — This paper is of value through draw out the fact of common problems of taking technology transfer to China’s sewage market and analysis the reason. Transparency problem during the technology transfer process is drawn and analyzed.  Key points for accessing China’s market by SMEs are produced.

Den här uppsatsen ämnar att undersöka Anders Behring Breiviks manifest i samband med det moderna samhället och den situation som detta sätter individen i.Med hjälp av Erich Fromms tankar kring friheten och flyktmekanismer, Thomas Ziehesnarcissism och kulturell friställning och Giddens teori kring självidentiteten i den senmoderna epoken försöker jag nå förklaringar till hur Breivik kunde nå de slutsatser han gjorde. Analysen av det utdrag ur manifestet som är uppsatsens material utifrån vilka värden Breivik vill försvara och vilka fiender som hotar dessa. Resultatet är att det är ett flertal fiender som hotar de värden Breivik vill försvara och att det måste till en analys ur ett individ-, kultur- och systemperspektiv för att nå en tillfredställande förklaring. Breivik förstås utifrån den auktoritära karaktären som enbart ser relationer mellan människor som positioner av under- eller överläge, genom de kulturella förutsättningar som finns i samhället samt genom att han inte utvecklat den tillit som Giddens anser är grunden för att människor kan verka i en alltmer riskabel tillvaro. / This paper aims to examine the manifesto of Anders Behring Breivik and put it in thecontext of modern society and the situation that the individual is in.Using Erich Fromms thoughts about freedom and escape mechanisms, Thomas Ziehesnarcissism and cultural and Giddens theory about self-identity in the late modern age I try to reach explanations about how Breivik could reach the conclussions he did.The analysis of a part of the manifesto, which is the papers material, about which valuesBreivik wants to defend and which the enemies are that threatened these. The result is that there are a number of enemies which threaten these values that Breivik wants to defend and that an analysis from a individual-, cultural and system perspectives is required to reach a satisfying explaination.Breivik is understood from the view of the authoritarian character who only sees human relations as positions of dominance or subordinance, through the cultural presets that exist in society and through not developing the trust that Giddens sees as the foundations on which humans stand to cope with life in increasingly risky enviroment.