The progression of the LGBTQ+ community’s steps towards equality, by the way of the court systems, has been met with a backlash from some public opinion. Therefore, the legislative branch has created laws that can hinder the progression of LGBTQ+ rights in the United States, making it incredibly difficult for the community to progress forward. We can also see this in the executive branch under the Trump administration, which some consider to be a backlash from the previous administration’s policies. But,there is a sizable gap in the scholarly articles within this time frame. This research aims to quantify the extent of backlash, and examine its effects. Preliminary results indicate that the backlash does indeed exist, and is getting increasingly worse over the years, especially in the past two. The method I use to approach this subject is a comparative analysis of the two administrations; Obama and Trump. The research is based on gathering information via scholarly articles and law databases to document what laws have been passed that affect the LGBTQ+ community, both good and bad. Although the research is not yet completed, information so far leans towards the theory that the backlash politics exists in the United States.

Depuis quelques années, les stéréotypes sexués font l’objet de débats controversés dans la société française. Ces débats opposent ceux qui sont attachés à leurs différences à ceux qui désirent les gommer afin de permettre une plus grande égalité professionnelle entre les femmes et les hommes. Plusieurs modèles théoriques (américains) expliquent que les effets des stéréotypes s’expriment aussi bien quand un individu se comporte de façon conforme à ses stéréotypes sexués (comportement stéréotypique) que quand il se comporte de façon non-conforme (comportement contre-stéréotypique). Etant donné que très peu d’études ont été menées pour tester ces modèles sur le sol français, le but de la thèse a été double. Il s’agissait à la fois d’examiner le contenu des stéréotypes de sexe et de statut pouvant amener à de l’inégalité de traitement entre les hommes et les femmes dans le milieu du travail; et à la fois de mesurer l’impact de la conformité et de la non-conformité à ces stéréotypes sur le recrutement d’un candidat et sur l’évaluation d’un travailleur en poste. Pour ce faire, nous avons réalisé 11 études, menées essentiellement auprès d’étudiants issus de diverses disciplines, mais également de salariés en poste (3528 participants au total, dont 2136 femmes, âgés de 25 ans en moyenne). Les résultats montrent l’impact majeur des stéréotypes descriptifs sexués sur l’évaluation des individus mais uniquement lorsque ceux-ci postulent à un poste non conforme à leur sexe. Cet effet délétère disparaît lorsque des informations contre-stéréotypiques sur les candidats sont rendues disponibles. La bonne ou mauvaise évaluation de ce candidat se ferait, dès lors, à partir de l’adéquation entre sa personnalité et le poste visé. Sous l’effet de certaines motivations personnelles, l’évaluateur peut cependant choisir de pénaliser ce candidat contre-stéréotyique, ou de le favoriser davantage. Au final, ce sont surtout les stéréotypes liés aux professions qui impactent le plus le jugement des évaluateurs. Notre discussion portera sur l’importance accordée aux stéréotypes sexués par les politiques françaises alors même qu’un changement de représentations des métiers serait certainement plus à même de diminuer les inégalités de traitement entre les hommes et les femmes. / In recent years, gender stereotypes have been the subject of controversial discussions in French society. The debates have polarized into two camps: one driven by the importance they attach to gender differences; the other by the need to erase them and promote gender equality at work. Several (american) models explain the effects of stereotypes on judgment. These effects can either be stereotypical (i.e., when the person behaves in concordance with his stereotypes or counter-stereotypical (i.e., when he behaves differently to his stereotypes). To this day, very few studies have been carried out in France to test these models. Hence, the purpose of this doctoral dissertation was twofold. First, we examined gender and status stereotypes which could lead to sex inequality at work. Second, we tested the impact stereotypic conformity and stereotypic non-conformity had on the recruitment of applicants and on the evaluation of actual workers. We carried out 11 studies among students from different backgrounds and workers. Four studies were focused on characterizing the French gender and hierarchical stereotypes, one study allowed us to determine if French people feel pressure to comply with gender stereotypes and 6 studies were aimed to test the impact of stereotypic and counter stereotypic information on the evaluation of applicants and workers. We recruited 3528 (2136 women) with a mean age of 25 years. Results showed the major impact descriptive gender stereotypes have on the evaluation of people. When applying for a job, behaving stereotypically would benefit the applicants if their gender and status fit with the job. In the other case, it would disadvantage them. However, this impact fades when information about the applicants is available, in particular when the applicants are gender counter stereotypic. The judgment will then be based on the conformity between the applicants’ personality and the job. Depending of the personal motivations of the evaluator, he can decide to either penalize or aid the counter stereotypical candidate. Finally, it is likely that stereotypes associated to jobs are those that have the more impact on the recruitment officer’s judgment. Our discussion will focus on the importance French political authorities devote to gender stereotypes whereas changing representations of occupations would be a more promising solution to reduce gender inequality.

本論文自後殖民角度檢視英國劇作家彼德•謝弗之《皇家獵日》一劇。筆者論證，劇作家雖身為當代殖民國之一員，在劇中卻撻伐殖民主義且對被殖民者深表同情。此外，劇作家在劇中亦強調殖民者遭受之反撲，藉以呈現十六世紀時，西班牙與印加帝國跨文化接觸對被殖民者及殖民者造成之毀滅。 論文第二章探討謝弗在劇中對殖民的控訴。筆者援引薩依德（Edward W. Said）、西賽爾（Aimé Césaire）、戴蒙（Jared Diamond）及帕瑞克（Bhikhu Parekh）之觀點，分析殖民利益薰心的真面目及藉口。筆者試圖證明，劇作家藉由揭露劇中各殖民者汲汲營營追求各自的利益，表達他對此類唯利是圖的殖民者之唾棄及控訴。 第三章重點則在討論劇作家對劇中皮薩羅（Francisco Pizarro）此殖民者之矛盾的情感。劇作家一方面批評皮薩羅對印加帝國及其國王的迷思，另一方面又表達對此年邁又絕望的殖民者的同情。在探討劇作家對皮薩羅的批評時，筆者引用薩依德在《東方主義》（Orientalism）中對他者（the other）的探討。而討論劇作家對皮薩羅的憐憫時，筆者則並置歷史中之皮薩羅及劇作家呈現之皮薩羅，藉以比較出劇作家對此角色之同情。 筆者於論文第四章則著重在劇尾之探討。筆者援引梅彌（Albert Memmi）及西賽爾之觀點，指出事實上殖民對殖民者有一反撲之力量。劇末，不論是殖民者或被殖民者，其國家、宗教及個人都呈現出毀滅之狀。筆者認為，劇作家藉此結局表達對殖民（colonial apparatus）的強烈譴責，並傳遞「掠奪者必遭應得之懲罰」的訊息。此結局同時也透露出劇作家悲觀的情懷。 謝弗於1950年代創作此劇，於1964年上演，當時後殖民意識並不普遍，然有感於周遭大環境之改變，敏感如謝弗之劇作家，於劇中表達他的看法。謝弗一方面站在人道立場，表達他對被殖民者的同情，另一方面則試圖為殖民者表達其遭受殖民反撲之痛苦命運。此一探討殖民者受到的反撲於後殖民研究中相當罕見，謝弗這一觀點實為他的遠見及對後殖民研究的貢獻。 / This thesis examines The Royal Hunt of the Sun written by the British playwright, Peter Shaffer, from a post-colonial perspective. I argue that Shaffer, as a member of the twentieth-century colonial world, censures colonialism and holds a sympathetic attitude towards the colonized in The Royal Hunt of the Sun. Accentuating the backlash against the colonizer, the playwright presents the destructive force in the cross-cultural encounter for both the colonizer and the colonized. In chapter two I discuss Shaffer’s accusation of colonization. To analyze the profit-driven colonization and the pretexts adopted by the colonizers, I apply post-colonial and anthropological concepts expounded by Edward W. Said, Aimé Césaire, Jared Diamond, and Bhikhu Parekh. I maintain that by disclosing the colonizers’ fervent pursuit of interests in The Royal Hunt of the Sun, the playwright brings his accusation against both the colonizer and the act of colonization. After showing Shaffer’s common stance with most post-colonial scholars—accusation of colonization and sympathy for the colonized—I highlight in chapter three the playwright’s ambivalent sentiment of the colonial commander, Francisco Pizarro. To examine Shaffer’s critique of the Conquistador’s projected expectation of the Inca Empire and its king, I adopt Said’s criticism of Westerners’ stereotypical imagination of the other in Orientalism. I also juxtapose the historical Pizarro with Shaffer’s Pizarro and the turning point of Adela Quested’s attitude in the trial scene of E. M. Forster’s A Passage to India with the change of the colonial general’s attitude in The Royal Hunt of the Sun in order to demonstrate the playwright’s compassion for the aged colonial commander. Chapter four focuses on the discussion on the ending of the play. Albert Memmi’s and Césaire’s sharp points of colonization’s boomerang effects on the colonizer are brought into this discussion. I argue that the ending shows the playwright’s ultimate reprimand of colonial apparatus and his pessimistic attitude toward cross-cultural contact. The colonized as well as the colonizer is shown destroyed by colonization, and plunder, in whatever means, receives its deserved punishment. In the global post-colonial sentiment permeating the 1950s and 1960s when Shaffer wrote this play, the playwright expresses his concerns through this play. On the one hand, in the humanistic position, he is sympathetic to the colonized. On the other hand, he also attempts to stand in the perspective of the colonizers in order to express the backlash and harm the colonizers undergo. This perspective is indeed rare in the post-colonial study nowadays and can be treasured as Shaffer’s vision and contribution to the post-colonial study.

The first chapter of this dissertation analyzes voting behavior across multiple elections. The voting literature has largely analyzed voter turnout and voter behavior separately, focusing on individual elections. I present a model of voter turnout and behavior in multiple elections. The assumptions are consistent with individual election preferences and decision is derived from utility maximization. Additionally, I provide necessary moment conditions for identification. The framework is applied to the 2008 California elections. The exit polls made national headlines by linking the historic turnout of African-Americans for Presidential candidate Obama in helping pass Proposition 8. The results show that the African-American turnout and voting share for Proposition 8 was lower than indicated by the exit polls. As a counterfactual, I look at the turnout and outcome of Proposition 8, without the presidential race on the ballot. As predicted, there is lower voter turnout: on par with midterm elections. I also find a lower share of Yes votes on Proposition 8 - enough that the referendum would not have passed. / Economics

In this research, I provide a foundation for theorizing and understanding institutionalized antiracism initiatives; under-examined sites of geographical research. Through an examination of three different research sites (Queen’s University, the Canadian Race Relations Foundation, and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization), I seek to understand how organizations working in different contexts negotiate a range of variables so as to achieve the most effective outcomes possible. With a focus on site-specific context and its role in antiracist initiatives, this research combines a range of qualitative methods including interviews and researcher observations to assess the factors that influence the strategic directions and decisions of organizations. This thesis contributes to the exploration of social change and human rights strategies by positioning institutionalized antiracism initiatives as the focus of study; highlighting the importance of geopolitical context and other institutional factors in this work; identifying key challenges and opportunities; presenting findings on effective human rights strategies; and filling a gap in this area of geographic study. More specifically, this research demonstrates that institutionalized antiracism initiatives experience specific advantages and challenges as a result of factors internal and external to the organization. It also provides insight into the climate of social change in Canada and reveals some important findings with regard to antiracism strategies that can be used by organizations to improve the effectiveness of their initiatives and programs. / Thesis (Ph.D, Geography) -- Queen's University, 2014-01-31 08:45:08.578

The goal of the research of this Dissertation is using actuation redundancy to reduce backlash in parallel manipulators (PMs.) Initially, 3-RRR and 3-RPR PM layouts where 3 is the number of branches, R is a revolute joint and P is a prismatic joint, are introduced. Actuated joints will later be underlined in the PM desciptions. A method for determining PM working area for rotated payload platforms, based on a mechanism inversion, is presented. Force solutions for non-redundantly actuated 3-RRR, 3-RRR, 3-RPR and 3-RPR PMs are formulated in terms of screw coordinates. The reciprocal product of screw coordinates is demonstrated to be invarient under changes in reference location and orientation. As examples, the PMs execute basic circle, logarithmic spiral and arc displacement and force trajectories. All non-redundantly-actuated PMs, encounter two backlash-prone zero-actuator-output configurations when executing any of the trajectories. Therefore, non-redundantly actuated PMs are found inadequate for precision applications. Force-uncertainties, where PMs cannot sustain or apply forces in uncertain directions, are examined. For typically actuated 3-RRR and 3-RPR PMs, force uncertainties are identified using screw system arguments based on the existance of 3 actuated forces forming degenerate (rank = 2) planar pencils of forces. These degenerate force pose make arbitrary force and moment application impossible and cause singularities in the force solutions. The working area of the 3-RRR PM is found compatible with all trajectories. This compatibility is due to zero minimum branch length being possible with the limitless angular displacements possible with stacked R joints. In comparison, the 3-RPR PM with minimum joint lengthes imposed on the P joints, has a smaller working area, and is not compatible with any of the trajectories. A P joint modification allowing relative length minimums of zero and a compatible working area identical to the 3-RRR PM, is considered. To address inadequacies, symmetric actuation-redundant 3-RRR and 3-RPR PMs are considered. Pseudo (right Moore-Penrose) inverse of the 3×6 ARS (associated reciprocal screw) matrix is considered to solve for the required actuation. This solution, while providing a minimum 2-norm of the vector of required actuator outputs, does not reduce backlash-prone configurations with all actuators still having two backlash-prone zero-output configurations. An algorithm for reducing backlash, using MATLAB’s constrained optimization routine FMINCON is applied. Minimizing the 2-norm of the vector of actuator outputs, subject to the backlash-free constraint of having outputs ≥ 0 or ≤ 0 depending on the initial values, is considered. Actuators providing the best conditioned ARS matices are utilized for the particular solutions. / Graduate

This thesis investigates the continued hostilities and increasing backlash against the American Muslim community in the United States from a critical perspective that centralizes the racialization of Muslims and Muslim looking-people. The increasing anti-Muslim backlash against American Muslims warrants the need for a critical examination and analysis of the roots of this backlash and why, almost 11 years after September 11th, 2001, conditions for Muslims and Muslim looking-people are worsening. The term Islamophobia has been conceptualized and defined differently by various scholars, contributing to an analytical dilemma of how Muslims rationalize and resist anti-Muslim backlash. Therefore, the concept of racialization provides a fuller perspective and understanding as to why Muslim and non-Muslim Arabs, South Asians, and African Americans have been subjected to rising suspicion, surveillance, imprisonment, and violence in a post 9/11/2001 era. This thesis posits the notion of the white Christian Normative, an inherent Christian bias embedded deep within the racialized social system of the United States. This Christian Normative has its roots in the colonial confrontation between European colonizers and Indigenous populations in what is now considered the United States and has maintained its significance in impacting the life chances of non-white non-Christian minorities ever since. This thesis argues that it is the Christian normative that drives and sustains the anti-Muslim backlash in the United States. The anti-Muslim backlash that is growing stronger in the United States is also theoretically conceptualized within this thesis. This thesis utilizes qualitative data collected from 23 in-depth interviews with Arab and South Asian American Muslim college students between the ages of 18 to 35 years from the Midwest as its empirical basis.

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The contested backlash phenomenon assumes that changes to the status quo in favor of minorities will be met with resistance and resentment from majority groups. However, previous research has yielded ambiguous results. This has resulted in a continuous confusion regarding if, when and how backlashes occur. This thesis will attempt to enhance the understanding of this phenomenon through the use of a survey experiment. The experiment tests whether it is possible to detect a backlash in public opinion through the use of a treatment text. The text presents a fictive Supreme Court decision that approves outdoor broadcasting of the Islamic call to prayer in the US. The experiment tests whether this will create an increase in resentment directed towards Muslim Americans. The experiment tests a number of hypotheses regarding when and where backlash might occur and could not find any support of the backlash hypothesis. The results instead indicated that the treatment induced a decrease in the level of resentment reported by the respondents. These unexpected results have a number of possible explanations, ranging from social desirability bias to the possibility of a legitimizing effect stemming from the treatment. The findings are in line with a growing number of researches that have failed to statistically find any proof of the backlash theory.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Black representation in American business leadership ranks is not proportionate to America’s demographics. Previous research into this issue has mostly focused on the relationship between majority racial group and minority racial groups. However, research in identity denial and backlash shows that ingroup members may also play a negative role in undermining leadership efforts. African Americans may react negatively to a Black business leader because of the mismatch between negative stereotypes of African Americans and the positive prototype of a leader. The current study hypothesizes that resembling a business leader as an African American leads to negative reaction from other African Americans in the form of lowered trust, lowered endorsement as leader, and lowered intention to engage in organizational citizenship behavior. The current study also hypothesizes that participant’s ingroup identification level will act as a moderator, and that perceived racial identification will act as a mediator. To test the hypotheses, participants recruited from Amazon Mechanical Turk were randomly assigned to either the strong match to leader prototype condition, weak match condition, or control condition in which no information about leader prototype was provided. The results revealed a simple main effect in which strongly matching the leader prototype led to lower levels of the outcome variables. The current study brings attention to an area of research that should be further explored and suggests that organizations should create interventions to counteract this negative ingroup effect.