王穎苑. / "2005年6月". / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2005. / 參考文獻(leaves 156-158). / "2005 nian 6 yue". / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Wang Yingyuan. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2005. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 156-158). / 緒論 --- p.1 / Chapter 一、 --- 《白虎通》之背景 --- p.1 / Chapter 二、 --- 前人對《白虎通》義理的硏究成果 --- p.7 / Chapter 三、 --- 對《白虎通》的思想的硏究意義及本文的硏究進路 --- p.17 / Chapter 四、 --- 本文疏理《白虎通》的中心框架以及將要處理的問題 --- p.21 / Chapter 第一章： --- 先秦儒學中內聖外王的理想和學問 --- p.29 / Chapter 一、 --- 先秦儒學的聖人境界及內聖外王的整全理想 --- p.29 / Chapter 二、 --- 內聖與外王之學之異質性 --- p.32 / Chapter 三、 --- 內聖與外王的內在關係及「新外王」之提出的脈絡 --- p.41 / Chapter 第二章： --- 《白虎通》關於內聖之學的思想 --- p.45 / Chapter 一、 --- 《白虎通》中關於道德實踐之根據的論述 --- p.45 / Chapter 二、 --- 《白虎通》對道德實踐的理想(聖人)的論述 --- p.61 / Chapter 三、 --- 《白虎通》中關於成德以及「學」的論述 --- p.66 / Chapter 第三章： --- （白虎通〉的事功之學--禮所關懷的對象、範圍以及其目的 --- p.71 / Chapter 一、 --- 《白虎通》的事功之學與禮制作爲理想之制度 --- p.71 / Chapter 二、 --- 禮制的對象、範圍與目的 --- p.75 / Chapter 三、 --- 禮制的意義與理想 --- p.84 / Chapter 第四章： --- 「親親」與「尊尊」之禮制原則 --- p.90 / Chapter 一、 --- 「親親」與「尊尊」的性質、內容以及兩者之關係 --- p.93 / Chapter 二、 --- 「親親」、「尊尊」原則的內部問題及其對先秦儒學之承變 --- p.112 / Chapter 第五章： --- 天地、陰陽、五行與禮制之關係 --- p.117 / Chapter 一、 --- 「天地」之諸義及其與禮制之關係 --- p.118 / Chapter 二、 --- 兩種對「陰陽」的理解及其與禮制之關係 --- p.127 / Chapter 三、 --- 「五行」與禮制之關係 --- p.137 / 總結 --- p.147 / 參攷書目 --- p.156

吳家怡. / "二零零九年八月". / "2009 nian 8 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 155-165). / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Wu Jiayi. / 中文提要 --- p.I / 英文提要 --- p.II / 目錄 --- p.IV / 引言 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章´Ø --- 《漢書》述《易》槪論 --- p.4 / Chapter 第一節´Ø --- 前人硏究述評 --- p.4 / Chapter 第二節´Ø --- 《漢書》引《易》方式 --- p.9 / Chapter 第三節´Ø --- 《漢書》的《易》學記載 --- p.24 / Chapter 第四節´Ø --- 《漢書》引《易》數據析述 --- p.35 / Chapter 第五節´Ø --- 小結 --- p.36 / Chapter 第二章´Ø --- 《史》、《漢》引《易》異同 --- p.37 / Chapter 第一節´Ø --- 《史》、《漢》對應篇章引《易》硏究 --- p.37 / Chapter 第二節´Ø --- 《史》、《漢》稱述相同《易》文義理探究 --- p.43 / Chapter 第三章´Ø --- 《漢書》「志」用《易》考 --- p.80 / Chapter 第一節´Ø --- 〈律曆志〉與象數《易》及卦氣說 --- p.80 / Chapter 第二節´Ø --- 〈五行志〉用京房《易》考 --- p.94 / Chapter 第三節´Ø --- 〈五行志〉稱引京房《易》文考 --- p.109 / Chapter 第四節´Ø --- 〈五行志〉用京房說相關史事重見〈本紀〉〈列傳〉比義 --- p.128 / Chapter 第五節´Ø --- 小結 --- p.135 / Chapter 第四章´Ø --- 《漢書》「傳」用《易》考 --- p.136 / Chapter 第一節´Ø --- 〈敘傳〉用《易》考 --- p.136 / Chapter 第二節´Ø --- 小結 --- p.151 / Chapter 第五章´Ø --- 總結 --- p.153 / 參考書目 --- p.155

A metalsmith�s ability to turn stone into metal and mould metal into useable objects, is one of the most valuable production industries of any society. The conception of this metallurgical knowledge has been the major catalyst in the development of increasing socio-political complexity since the beginning of the Bronze Age (Childe, 1930). However, when considering the prehistory of Southeast Asia, especially Thailand, it is noted that the introduction of metallurgical activity, namely copper and bronze technology, did not engender the increase in social complexity witnessed in other regions. It is suggested that the region is anomalous in that terms and concepts developed to describe and define Bronze Ages by scholars working in other regions, lack strict analogues within Southeast Asia. Muhly (1988) has famously noted the non-compliance of Southeast Asia to previous models, "In all other corners of the Bronze Age world-China, Mesopotamia, Anatolia, the Aegean and central Europe-we find the introduction of bronze technology associated with a complex of social, political and economic developments that mark the rise of the state. Only in Southeast Asia, especially in Thailand and Vietnam, do these developments seem to be missing" (Muhly, 1988:16). This "rise of the state" is associated with the development of hierarchy, inequality, and status differentiation, evidence for which, it is argued, is most explicitly articulated in mortuary contexts (Bacus, 2006). Evidence would include an intra-site restriction in access to resources, including prestige goods, and ranking, a vertical differentiation, often related to interment wealth. Thus the introduction of metallurgical technology saw copper and other prestige goods, used to entrench authority and advertise status (Coles and Harding; 1979). Such evidence has so far been absent in Bronze Age, Southeast Asian contexts. Accordingly, the usefulness of the term "Bronze Age" for describing and defining Southeast Asian assemblages has been questioned (White, 2002). However, the Ban Non Wat discovery of wealthy Bronze Age interments, with bronze grave goods restricted to the wealthiest, has furrowed the brow of many working in the region, providing evidence to at least reconsider this stance. Despite its obvious importance in shaping Bronze Age societies around the globe, and now, significance in Northeast Thailand, very little is known of the acceptance, development, and spread of tin-bronze metallurgical techniques during the prehistory of Southeast Asia. Only a handful of investigations of archaeological sites in the region have investigated the use of metals beyond macroscopic cataloguing. Utilising an agential framework, the Ban Non Wat bronze metallurgical evidence has been investigated as an entire assemblage, from the perspective of the individual metalsmith, in order to greater understand the industry and its impact upon the society incorporating the new technology. Furthermore, mortuary data is investigated by means of wealth assessment, as an insight into social form throughout the corresponding period of adoption, development and spread of metallurgy. The bivalent study of society and technology has shed light on the development of socio-political, and economic complexity during Bronze Age Southeast Asia, and in doing so, outlined the direct impact the metalsmiths themselves had on the supply, spread and functioning of their important industry. Variabilities in grave �wealth,� have been identified at Ban Non Wat. A further situation not previously encountered in Bronze Age Southeast Asia, is the restriction of bronze goods, in death, to differentiated, wealthy individuals. The existence of such individuals suggests that society during this period was rather more complex than regional precedents would suggest. I contend that it is the introduction of metallurgy, and in particular, the nature in which it was conducted that engendered these developments. Therefore, when considering the traditional course of developing social-political complexity during the Bronze Age, it now seems that Thailand at least, is potentially, not that anomalous.

In 2004, a French law went into effect banning girls in state sponsored schools from wearing the hijab, a Muslim head covering. While the law also banned the Jewish kippa and large cross necklaces from being worn in public schools, the hijab took center stage in what became a worldwide media frenzy. The ban of the hijab as well as more recent laws that banned full face veils in all public spaces and a ban on Muslim prayer being performed in the street show a growing divide in the French populace. This thesis argues that these recent laws, as well as the rise in popularity of the far rightwing political party the National Front are evidence that France is moving away from its civic nationalist traditions and adopting a more ethnic based nationalism.

Introduction: According to the CDC (2008), tobacco-related deaths out number deaths from alcohol use, motor vehicle injuries, suicides, murders, human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), and illegal drug use. One out of every five deaths in the United States can be attributed to tobacco, culminating in a staggering 443,000 deaths in the US every year. Smoking is also the leading preventable cause of death in America (CDC, 2008). In 2006, the Surgeon General’s Report speaks to not only the detrimental effects of smoking, but also the harmful effects second hand smoke can have on an individual’s health. Furthermore, the Centers for Disease Control’s Office of Smoking and Health reported that 49,400 deaths every year in the US are the result of second hand smoke exposure, of which 46,000 will have died from heart disease attributable to second hand smoke in the environment in which they live, work, play, and learn (CDC, 2008). While the negative health outcomes with tobacco use have inundated mainstream media and literature, tobacco use has another large and devastating effect on communities around the world. That effect is the result of Tobacco Product Litter (TPL). Beyond the unsightliness of TPL, several other unwanted complications to society result from the disregarded refuse, such as harm to the environment and damages incurred by other businesses not associated at all with tobacco products. Rationale for Intervention: First and foremost the Tobacco-Free GSU Initiative was intended to promote the health of the Georgia State University community consisting of students, faculty, and staff. The American College Health Association (2009) recommends 100% tobacco-free campuses, indoors and outdoors. Studies have shown that non-smokers and smokers attending college are in favor of campus policies that control the use of tobacco on campus (Rigotti, Regan, Moran, et al., 2003; Thompson B, Coronado GD, Chen L, et al., 2006). Sawdey et al. (2011) cites the need for the implementation of smoke-free policies by campuses in order to utilize the opportunity to create an atmosphere conducive to tobacco cessation. Considering that one third of young Americans attend a college or university (Rigotti et al., 2003), exposing one third of the youth population of the United States to a tobacco-free environment could potentially change the socially acceptable norms of using tobacco, whist simultaneously creating an environment free of TPL. Intervention Strategy Analysis: Tobacco-Free GSU utilized a methodology similar to the strategies Glassman, Reindel and Whewell outlined in their 2011 study Strategies for Implementing a Tobacco-Free Campus. The Glassman et al. (2011) strategy included: Creating a Committee, Utilizing a Student Debate, Publicity, Drafting of a Potential Policy, Targeting the College or University Board of Trustees, Addressing Barriers to Becoming Tobacco-Free, Student Involvement, Administrative and Staff Support, Resources, and Enforcement Conclusion: In order to facilitate the best possible outcome, we recommend those seeking to create a tobacco-free campus utilize the strategies outlined throughout this document, whilst creating strategies specific to their location, population, and situation.

The fundamental freedoms and human rights is something the countries, and its citizens, of the European Union more or less take for granted. However, in recent years these rights have become a topic of discussion in the way that a debate about the Islamic headscarves has developed. This debate has resulted in that a number of countries, including France, have taken legislative measures to ban clothing that fully covers ones face. Out of these bans a discussion has arisen concerning the fundamental freedoms and human rights. These burqa bans, as it is labeled in the pubic debate, have been accused to wrongfully limit the individuals freedoms and human rights. This study therefore has the aim to analyze these burqa bans in relation to the European Union, United Nations and the Council of Europe’s general declarations concerning the fundamental freedoms and basic human rights. The main result of this study shows that these bans in fact is not a proportionally restrict in the fundamental freedoms and human rights. These results also are strengthened by the theoretical positions on freedom as put forth by Samuel Pufendorf and John Stuart Mill.

Because tobacco smoking causes 430,000 U.S. deaths annually, wide-reaching smoking bans are needed. Bans reduce cigarette consumption, encourage cessation, protect nonsmokers from second-hand smoke, and promote an attitude that smoking is undesirable. Therefore, bans may prevent future generations from suffering many smoking-related health problems. The federal government has not implemented widereaching smoking bans so it falls on individual states, counties, or communities to devise appropriate smoking policy. To date, smoking policy has been determined by legislators, who may have conflicts that prevent them from acting in the publics best interest. However, this method of implementing smoking policy may be changing. In 2005, Washington residents voted by ballot initiative to strengthen existing state smoking regulations. In 2006, Arizona, Nevada, and Ohio residents voted by ballot initiatives to implement strict statewide smoking bans. This research presents a way to predict how residents of other states might vote if given the opportunity. Two research hypotheses are tested and accepted: a positive relationship between favorable votes and urbanness, and a preference favoring smoking bans where smoking regulations already exist. Finally, a projection is made that a smoking ban vote in Kentucky would yield favorable results, and a map showing projected county votes is provided.

Kommunikation genom att använda människokroppen som  överföringsmedium, med kapacitiv koppling mellan hud och sensor, har varit ett pågående forskningsområde för PAN (Personal Area Network) sedan Thomas Guthrie Zimmerman introducerade tekniken 1995. Anledningen till detta är att undersöka fördelar och användningsområden för en kommunikationsmetod som ej sänder ut RF-signaler och därmed minska risken för obehörig avlyssning. Denna rapport beskriver ett examensarbete som undersöker möjligheten till eliminering av USB- till UART-konverterare på Microchip BodyCom genom mjukvaru-USB-stack och kombinera denna med Body Coupled Communication funktionalitet i en gemensam mikrokontroller. Vidare studeras om programkoden i Body Coupled Communication sändare kan modifieras för att utöka funktionaliteten. Det var givet i förutsättningarna att mikrokontroller från Microchip skulle användas, vidare var lågt pris respektive låg strömförbrukning viktigt, särskilt för sändaren. Metoden för att uppnå detta har varit användning av Microchip BodyCom development kit tillsammans med Microchip USB low pin count development kit och Microchip USB firmwareframework. Resultatet blev att USB- till UART-omvandlare kunde integreras med Microchip BodyCom genom att använda mjukvaru-USB-stack och en modifierad programkod för BodyCom i en gemensam mikrokontroller. Endast fantasin sätter gränsen för vad Body Coupled Communication kan användas till. Det skulle t.ex. vara möjligt att utbyta elektroniska visitkort genom en handskakning eller öppna en låst dörr endast genom att ta i handtaget. / Communication using the human body as a transmission medium, the capacitive coupling between the skin and sensor, has been an active research area for PAN (Personal Area Network) since Thomas Guthrie Zimmerman introduced the technique in 1995. The reason for this is to examine the benefits and uses of a communication method that does not emit RF signals and thus reduce the risk of unauthorized interception. This report describes a thesis that examines the possibility of elimination of USB to UART converter on Microchip BodyCom through software USB-stack and combine this with Body Coupled Communication functionality in a single microcontroller. Furthermore, studies on if the application code in Body Coupled Communication transmitters can be modified to extend functionality. It was given in the conditions that microcontrollers from Microchip should be used, furthermore, low price and low power consumption were important, especially for the transmitter. The method for achieving this has been the use of Microchip BodyCom development kit with USB Microchip low pin count development kit and Microchip USB firmware framework. The result was that the USB- to UART-converter could be integrated with Microchip BodyCom, using software USB-stack and a modified program code for BodyCom in a single microcontroller. Only your imagination sets the limits for Body Coupled Communication can be used for. For example, it would be possible to exchange electronic business cards by a handshake or open a locked door only by using the handle.

A metalsmith�s ability to turn stone into metal and mould metal into useable objects, is one of the most valuable production industries of any society. The conception of this metallurgical knowledge has been the major catalyst in the development of increasing socio-political complexity since the beginning of the Bronze Age (Childe, 1930). However, when considering the prehistory of Southeast Asia, especially Thailand, it is noted that the introduction of metallurgical activity, namely copper and bronze technology, did not engender the increase in social complexity witnessed in other regions. It is suggested that the region is anomalous in that terms and concepts developed to describe and define Bronze Ages by scholars working in other regions, lack strict analogues within Southeast Asia. Muhly (1988) has famously noted the non-compliance of Southeast Asia to previous models, "In all other corners of the Bronze Age world-China, Mesopotamia, Anatolia, the Aegean and central Europe-we find the introduction of bronze technology associated with a complex of social, political and economic developments that mark the rise of the state. Only in Southeast Asia, especially in Thailand and Vietnam, do these developments seem to be missing" (Muhly, 1988:16). This "rise of the state" is associated with the development of hierarchy, inequality, and status differentiation, evidence for which, it is argued, is most explicitly articulated in mortuary contexts (Bacus, 2006). Evidence would include an intra-site restriction in access to resources, including prestige goods, and ranking, a vertical differentiation, often related to interment wealth. Thus the introduction of metallurgical technology saw copper and other prestige goods, used to entrench authority and advertise status (Coles and Harding; 1979). Such evidence has so far been absent in Bronze Age, Southeast Asian contexts. Accordingly, the usefulness of the term "Bronze Age" for describing and defining Southeast Asian assemblages has been questioned (White, 2002). However, the Ban Non Wat discovery of wealthy Bronze Age interments, with bronze grave goods restricted to the wealthiest, has furrowed the brow of many working in the region, providing evidence to at least reconsider this stance. Despite its obvious importance in shaping Bronze Age societies around the globe, and now, significance in Northeast Thailand, very little is known of the acceptance, development, and spread of tin-bronze metallurgical techniques during the prehistory of Southeast Asia. Only a handful of investigations of archaeological sites in the region have investigated the use of metals beyond macroscopic cataloguing. Utilising an agential framework, the Ban Non Wat bronze metallurgical evidence has been investigated as an entire assemblage, from the perspective of the individual metalsmith, in order to greater understand the industry and its impact upon the society incorporating the new technology. Furthermore, mortuary data is investigated by means of wealth assessment, as an insight into social form throughout the corresponding period of adoption, development and spread of metallurgy. The bivalent study of society and technology has shed light on the development of socio-political, and economic complexity during Bronze Age Southeast Asia, and in doing so, outlined the direct impact the metalsmiths themselves had on the supply, spread and functioning of their important industry. Variabilities in grave �wealth,� have been identified at Ban Non Wat. A further situation not previously encountered in Bronze Age Southeast Asia, is the restriction of bronze goods, in death, to differentiated, wealthy individuals. The existence of such individuals suggests that society during this period was rather more complex than regional precedents would suggest. I contend that it is the introduction of metallurgy, and in particular, the nature in which it was conducted that engendered these developments. Therefore, when considering the traditional course of developing social-political complexity during the Bronze Age, it now seems that Thailand at least, is potentially, not that anomalous.

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