M.A. / In most instances, Afrikaans second language courses offered to black pupils are planned without pausing to reflect on the communicative needs of the black community. In certain instances this factor has been taken into account. However, these needs were determined intuitively rather than through research and sound experience. The primary aim of this study is to examine problems affecting the determination of the comminicative needs of black pupils in Afrikaans, as well as to find criteria for the selection of suitable material for learning Afrikaans in order to satisfy the specified needs. It is hoped that this study will serve to illustrate the need for careful research aimed at establishing a systematic and scientific needs analysis for Afrikaans at black schools in the Republic of S.A. The problems and constraints pertaining to the application of an investigation into the requirements of the target group are also outlined in this study. Recommendations suggesting possible solutions of these problems are made. In addition, the present syllabus is examined in the light of present insights into the communicative needs of black learners. Chapter one deals with the aims and structure of the study. The second chapter sketches the most important points concerning the acquisition and learning of a second language. In the following chapter the theories and approaches to language teaching are discussed.

Bibliography: pages 79-84. / This essay examines how the Cape government thought and felt about certain prominent Muslims, exiled from present day Indonesia to that colony, in the period 1652 to 1806. It has both descriptive and analytic functions. Descriptively, it seeks to find out what these thoughts and feelings were. Analytically, it seeks to explain why they came about. The essay contends that the way in which the exiles were perceived can only be understood by locating them in the wider Cape social, economic and political context. Accordingly, it describes elements of this context such as the Dutch colonial rationale, the Cape social structure, its culture and pertinent legal practices. Against this background, it then describes these perceptions. The description is general and specific. It examines perceptions of exiles in general by a study of the social class to which they belonged, namely the free blacks. It particularly focuses on the demography, the legal status and the economic position of this class. The final chapter of the essay is ties empirical backbone, being a specific and detailed examination of what the Cape government thought and felt about prominent individual exiles. As far as possible, it elicits all the evidence concerning these exiles, pertinent to the topic at hand, that is available in the prevailing historical literature. This essay's central thesis is that the exiles were peripheral to the concerns of the Cape government. Perceptions of individual exiles were nuanced and encompassed various attitudes, but at the core the exiles were not seen as important to their vital interests. The class to which the exiles belonged, the free blacks, were always at the demographic, legal, and economic margins of Cape society. The essay contends that the reason the exiles were peripheral in government perceptions was because of the general marginality of Muslims in the Cape context. They lacked numbers, and their role as a religious constituency was undermined by a society that subsumed such a constituency under various other concerns. The thesis is a departure from other studies on Cape Muslim history which this essay contends, tend to emphasise the "differentness" and centrality of the Muslim contribution.

Bibliography: pages 198-213. / This study focuses on the social and political history of Africans in Langa Township from 1927 to 1948. Langa conveniently and justifiably serves as a good case study of the urban African experience because it is the area in Greater Cape Town, during this period, where there was the largest concentration of a relatively organised, stabilised and permanent African working class community. It is also the oldest township with the deepest roots and longest evolution in Cape Town. Langa also makes an interesting area of study because the politics surrounding its evolution as an urban African segregated residential township presents it not only as an arena of social conflict between the ruler and the ruled, but also stands out as a veritable testimony of the African struggle to become an integral part of the city. The thesis traces what, initially, began as an "externalised" struggle by Africans against the forced removals from the city and Ndabeni Location to Langa and attempts to establish the continuities of this struggle within the township - i.e."internalised" struggle. African popular struggles in Langa predominantly centred around such issues as rents, railway fares, living conditions, restrictions on beer brewing and trading activities, the demand for direct municipal representation and the freedom of movement. The study explores the nature of the relationship that subsisted between the Langa residents and the Cape Town City Council and the internal social and political relations in the Langa community, paying particular attention to conflicting tendencies and the forms of resolution implemented. The thesis aims to highlight the fact that protest and resistance were the only weapons that empowered the Langa residents to fight against unilateral unpopular decisions by the local authority or central government. Flowing from these findings is an attempt to discover how the lived experiences of the Langa people, their frustrations, disillusionment, crises of expectations, translated into political consciousness and how these help us to explain the people's role in nationalist politics. Alternatively, this will help us to explain how political parties, the African National Congress (ANC), the Communist Party of South Africa (CPS A), and the National Liberation League (NLL) exploited the crises in civic matters to enhance or strengthen their support bases and with what results.

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Bibliography: pages 157-165. / The new political dispensation gave way to much questioning of the importance of the organs of civil society, and the role they play in development of our society. Civic Associations are but one of such institutions of civil society, and this study seeks to explore the role they will continue to play in a post-apartheid South Africa (SA). Civics truly played a major role in bringing about democracy in our country. Now the political changes that have occurred forces Civics to redefine their role within a democratic society. Widespread speculations are that Civics will focus in development and/or that they will be watchdogs to government. This is a qualitative study and data was collected mainly through interviews (structured and unstructured) and use of secondary sources. The study was conducted in Khayelitsha in the period July to December 1995, before the local government elections. Two Civic organisations participated in this study, that is, Western Cape United Squatter Association (WECUSA) and South African National Civic Organisation (SANCO) of Khayelitsha. The respondents were mainly members of the executive committees of the two organisations. The sample was drawn through non-probability sampling, using purposive and snowball sampling. This allowed the researcher an opportunity to choose respondents who best meet the purpose of the study. The major conclusions of the study are that Civics are aware of the need to redefine their role, though to date they have achieved very little in this regard. The perception is that Civics will continue to exist, and shift their focus to development work. The other role that Civics see themselves as playing is that of acting as watchdogs to government. This view is rejected by some people because of the close relationship that Civics have with the political parties. Civics are aligned to specific political parties, for example, both Civics (WECUSA and SANCO) who participated in this study are aligned to the African National Congress (ANC). In the local government elections, these Civics canvassed people to vote for the ANC. The findings of the study have also shown that Civics are playing a significant role in their communities. They are concerned with provision of basic services such as water, electricity, building of roads, schools and health facilities. The major challenge that still remains facing Civics is for them to redefine their role and the question of their alliance with political parties.

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfillment of the requirements for degree Master of Arts in the Department of History at the University of Zululand, 1991. / It is imperative to take cognizance of the fact that no study of this nature has ever been undertaken in the field of history in South Africa. This justifies the necessity of undertaking a comparative study of the aims, structure and strategies of the NP and Inkatha National Cultural Liberation Movement in the crucial decade 1975-1985. It was during that decade that these two political groupings moved closer to the political centre of gravity of South Africa. By this time the NP, in spite of preserving hegemonic principles on behalf of the White electorate and amid increased international isolation, had proved itself the invincible doyen in the body politic of South Africa. Inkatha cadres argued that their movement was born from the turbulent first half of the 1970's, spawned by Black resistance to apartheid and had authentic roots in the core of the liberation struggle. The principles and aims of the NP and Inkatha were devoid of discernible dissimilarities. One may assert, however, that it was enigmatic that such principles and aims could not compel the two groupings to solve the socio-economic and political problems facing South Africa in that decade. Such a dismal failure to seek solutions that would benefit all the people of South Africa reflected negatively on both the NP and Inkatha. In 1985 this emerged as a harbinger for the state of morass in South Africa's political scenario. The organisational structures of the NP and Inkatha remained by far the best organized in South Africa, capable of overwhelming any challenge mounted by other groups. In 1975 the NP as a party was organisationally functioning by means of the Congress, Head Council, Ward Councils, District Councils, Constituency Councils, Branches and Provincial leaders, while Inkatha had a bureaucratic structure from Branches, Regions, individual members to different conferences and decision-making bodies. The National Council (NC) was the policy-making body and represented all national leadership formations of Inkatha. It was not possible to stipulate how many members of Inkatha at any one time belonged to the NC. This was due to the fact that organizations were constantly affiliating to - the movement. The Congress was the supreme authority of the NP in each province. It discussed the draft resolutions submitted by the District Councils, the proposals submitted by the Head Council and the Federal Council, and motions submitted by members of the Congress. The organisational policies of the NP and Inkatha had vestiges of commonality. Both groupings accepted and respected the poly-ethnic nature of South Africa's population. They both endorsed the notion of a multi-party democracy, although the NP comprehended this in the context of separate development. Inkatha noted this as taking into account the fact that no single organisation, from whatever quarter, would be the sole determinant of the future of South Africa. Disinvestment, sanctions and violence were abhorred by both groupings as a strategy to dismantle apartheid. They favoured negotiation politics and non-violence both as objectives and strategies. Both groupings conveyed assurance to achievements of a political apparatus that could satisfy the political aspirations of all the country's communities through negotiations. The key to both the NP and Inkatha's organisational successes was their commitment to the traditions of constituency politics. They both believed that the ideal of constituency politics was best served by having a multiplicity of cross-cutting constituencies, each of which had its own specific objectives, but all of which had a basic common goal. It could be mentioned, however, that the different situations and platforms from which they operated, polarised them against each other. The NP and Inkatha's relations with both parliamentary and extra-parliamentary groupings created a hiatus in terms of their aims and strategies. This crippled the evolvement of consensus politics in South Africa. In the decade 1975-1985 the Parliamentary political groupings were the United Party (UP), the Progressive Reform Party (PRP), the Progressive Federal Party (PFP) , the New Republic Party (NRP) , the South African Party (SAP), the Conservative Party (CP), and the Herstigte Nasionale Party (HNP) . In principle, they agreed with the NP and Inkatha in standing for the just and equal treatment of all parts of South Africa and for the impartial maintenance of the rights and privileges of every section of the population, with due regard to the multi-ethnic reality and that of the existence of minorities in South Africa. The NP and Inkatha had unfavourable relations with the extra-parliamentary political formations. These were the African National Congress (ANC), the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), the Black People's Convention (BPC), the South African Students' Organisation (SASO), the Afrikaner weerstandsbeweging (AWB) or Afrikaner Resistance Movement, the Azanian People's Organisation (AZAPO), the Natal Indian Congress (NIC), the National Forum (NF), and the United Democratic Front (UDF). Their relations with both the NP and Inkatha in terms of their aims and strategies were marked by what one may convoke "timorous digressions." Most of them referred to the NP Government as illegitimate while viewing Inkatha as perpetrating political tribalism which to them was the greatest enemy of African freedom. By 1985 this intricate structure of political groupings and different aims and strategies, characterized a divided South Africa. / University of Zululand and Standard Bank

This study investigates the marketing perception of grocery store retailers belonging to black business associations in Gauteng. In determining what the black grocery store retailer should know about marketing in order to be successful, an extensive literature study was undertaken on the basic components of marketing, namely the marketing concept, marketing environment and target market selection, and the retail marketing mix and strategy. An empirical study was conducted to determine the black grocery store retailer's present knowledge and practices of the basic components of marketing. In the study, grocery store retailers who are members of Nafcoc in Gauteng, were interviewed by using a structured questionnaire which covered the basic components of marketing. The research results reveal various prominent gaps in the black grocery store retailer's marketing perception of the marketing concept, marketing environment and target market selection, and the retail marketing mix and strategy. The most significant findings are that successful black grocery store retailers have certain unique characteristics and perceptions and follow specific marketing practices: they care what customers think of their stores and they see it as their responsibility to conduct marketing research on a regular basis; they are more sensitive to the diverse cultural backgrounds and needs of the customers and infrastructural problems of the townships in which they live; they do not focus only on providing the basic necessities but also keep an expanded product range, including shopping and emergency products; they use the self-service store concept to sell to their customers; they add value by providing after-sales services such as attending to defective goods; they have a broader perception of competitors and do not focus only on intratype competition inside the townships; they use more advanced accounting and financial management techniques; they accept their role as a socially responsible retailing business in the township community; they eliminate the middlemen in the distribution system whenever possible by buying directly from manufacturers and the fresh produce market; and they use more marketing communication elements to promote their stores and range of products and services. / Business Management / DCom (Business Management)

Thesis (MA) -- University of Stellenbosch, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The aim of this study was to determine whether any relationship existed between identified circumstantial factors about the living conditions of black families and specific conflict tactics employed by them in an informal settlement in the Helderberg basin. The research hypothesis is founded on crime statistics for the past five years for the Helderberg basin that have shown a generally higher crime incidence/reporting rate for informal and low cost-housing compared to more affluent areas in the basin (CIAC, 2000). The purpose of exploring the existence of such a relationship was to highlight particular circumstantial factors, assisting decision makers at local government to intervene more effectively in terms of funds and resources to ensure safer community. A semi-structured questionnaire, developed by the author, was used to determine the presence of circumstantial factors in this community; the Conflict Tactic Scales, (CTS), developed by Straus (1979), served as the measure to assess the predominant conflict tactics employed by families in Nomzamo, an informal settlement in the Helderberg basin. Fifty families (2 members per family) participated in the study with one condition that one of the members should be a child between the ages of 12 and 17. The only significant relationship that was obtained was between the circumstantial factorlevel of education, and the conflict tactic-physical assault between spouses, which highlights the fact that continued education raises ones' awareness and empowers one to speak out against violence in the home. Possible reasons were offered, given that no other significant trends could be determined in the study and recommendations for future research in this field are made. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van die studie was om vas the stelof daar enigsins 'n verband bestaan tussen bepaalde omgewingsfaktore verwant aan die lewensomstandighede van swart gesinne in 'n informele nedersetting in the Helderberg-kom en spesifieke konflik strategieë deur hulle gebruik. Die navorsing hipotese spruit voort uit misdaad statistiek oor die afgelope vyf jaar vir die Helderberg-kom, wat oor die algemeen 'n hoë misdaadaanmeldingsyfer vertoon vir informele en lae-koste behuising areas in vergeleke met meer gegoede areas in die kom (CIAC, 2000). Die bepaling of daar wel 'n verband bestaan, het ten doelom besluitmakers binne plaaslike owerhede te assisteer om fondse tot hul beskikking, meer effektief aan te wend om misdaad verder te bekamp en die gemeenskap te beveilig. Die bepaling van die teenwoordigheid van omgewingsfaktore binne die gemeenskap, is gedoen deur middel van 'n semi-gestruktureerde vraelys wat deur die skrywer ontwikkel is; om vas te stel welke konflik strategieë meerendeels deur gesinne gebruik word in dié informele nedersetting, is gebruik gemaak van die Conflict Tactic Scales (CTS) soos ontwikkel deur Straus (1979). Vyftig gesinne (twee lede per gesin) het deelgeneem aan die studie met die voorwaarde dat een van die lede van die gesin 'n adolessent tussen 12 en 17 moes wees. Die enigste beduidenswaardige verband wat verkry is, was tussen die omgewingsfaktor - opvoedingspeil, en die konflik strategie - fisiese aanranding tussen eggenote. Dit dui daarop dat met toenemende onderrig, verhoog 'n mens se gewaarwordig en word 'n mens bemagtig om 'n standpunt in te neem teen geweld in die huis. Sekere redes word aangevoer gegee die feit dat geen ander beduidende verbande voortgespruit het uit die studie nie en voorstelle vir verder navorsing in dié veld word gegee.

A research report submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements of the degree Master of Arts in Anthropology, March 2017 / In this research report I construct an intellectual history of anthropology at the University of the Witwatersrand. Adopting a conjunctural approach, the report thinks through four moments in the genealogy of anthropology at Wits, from the establishment of the Bantu Studies Department in the 1920s, the neo-Marxist turn in the 1970s, the cultural turn in the 1990s, to the contemporary Department of Social Anthropology. At each moment, I trace the ways in which African thought and critique has been and is silenced to reproduce colonial unknowing in and the intellectual enclaving of anthropology in South Africa. / XL2018