Title Capability of international law to resolve an ethnic conflict: case of Bosnia and Herzegovina Abstract The thesis deals with the complex issue of international law's capability to resolve an ethnic conflict, relying to a great extent on a case study of the Dayton system in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It aims to take an interdisciplinary approach, focusing not only on legal issues but also on sociological and other relevant aspects. The first chapters attempt to summarize peace proposals preceding Dayton and are followed by a legal analysis of the adopted documents and a subsequent thorough examination of the most significant and visible aspects of their implementation. The last chapter then reviews the topic from the standpoint of conflict resolution. Several key questions are formulated in the preface: Is international law able to deter the risk of yet another outbreak of armed conflict in Bosnia? Are its limits or flawed imposition the immediate cause of the present state? Has the international regime in Bosnia become completely dissasociated from the sociological substratum? Whilst seeking for answers, much attention is paid to the perception and reception of the Dayton system by various interest groups within Bosnia's society as well as to international community's ensuing engagement in the country....

This paper analyzes current situation in BiH v european context with emphasis on BiH relations with European union. Although we could consider EU as major power, there are other international actors which have also significant influece there. These are BiH neighbours - Croatia and Serbia, Russian federation and United states of America.

This paper looks to examine how the Dayton Peace Agreement (1995) was meant to create a stable, unified Bosnia and Herzegovina versus what was actually achieved. The institutional rules of Dayton were designed to check and balance the three ethnic groups, yet the country is defined by political division rather than cooperation. The international community, prescribed by Dayton to oversee and enforce Bosnia’s transition, has supported a flawed institutional design. The theories of consociationalism, centripetalism, and the prevalence of the ethno-territorial principle are used to explain how Dayton has failed in facilitating cooperation and moderation. The impact of the prolonged, involved role of the High Representative and the European Court of Human Right's 2009 case, Sejdić and Finci, are used as analysis. I argue that Dayton’s institutional design has allowed ethnic division to define BiH's political system and the prolonged intervention of the High Representative has removed incentive for local elites to cooperate.

This thesis explores the effects of return migration on development through the case of returnees from Sweden to Bosnia and Herzegovina. Based on thirteen in-depth interviews and observation, it examines returnees’ ‘social remittances’, which consist of ideas, practices, and social capital (or social connections) that migrants bring to their countries of origin. The thesis adopts a transnational perspective highlighting returnees’ simultaneous connections in their host and home countries. It identifies various types of social remittance transfers such as ideas and practices in the areas of health, the environment and work, as well as social connections with investors, business partners, and political and academic actors in Sweden. One major finding is that returnees’ knowledge of the Swedish language, the market, work and business culture contribute to building trust with actors in Sweden, which facilitates trade and investment between the countries. The thesis also highlights a number of economic, political and personal constraints faced by returnees in their return process which, in turn, affect their capacity to transfer social remittances. It concludes that returnees can potentially contribute to development, but their contributions are largely conditioned by the existing social, economic, legal and political environment.

This bachelor thesis is the result of a minor field study which took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The purpose of this bachelor thesis is to contribute to the understanding and improvement of Security Sector Reform (SSR), which could be explained as a process of reformation applied in post-conflict scenarios aimed at the military, police and/or judicial sector which might be an element of insecurity, particularly the police, and very particularly in post conflict scenarios where conflict resolution resulted in a divided police force, by using the BiH as a case study. We have used the theoretical framework/process of SSR and more specifically the part of SSR which touches upon police reform. However, SSR entails reformation of the security sector including military-, police- and judicial sectors, as mentioned our focus will be the police sector. This serving as a foundation for the thesis, we asked the following questions; Taking the point of departure in the Dayton Accords and its complex power sharing structure, which are the underlying factors/reasons why the Security Sector Reformation of the police force has been so problematic and why is there such inability to reach an agreement on this issue, especially in terms of structure? In terms of methodology, this is a qualitative study based on semi-structured interviews in combination with previous research. Concluding remarks, progress has been made, however, the reformation of the police is to a large extent dependent on the political will not to do so, not much indicate a change related to this. The status of the BiH police force continues to be de-centralized in terms of structure due to the Dayton Accords which has still serves a fertile ground for the continuation of inefficiency, especially in terms of cooperation, information exchange, administrative issues, war-criminals within the police etc related to the different police forces.

This study analyzes the determinants of return migration from Sweden to Bosnia and Herzegovina, and outmigration to third country during the time period 1994-2003. The study is limited to the refugees who arrived to Sweden 1993-1994. One important aim is also to find out to what extent the propensity of return migration is affected by integration and participation in the Swedish labor market. There is a larger fraction of the refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina who return than migrate to a third country. The results show that a higher education is affecting the return migration decision positively, but not the migration to another country. Since the social protection system in Bosnia and Herzegovina is partially undeveloped, only those with a well paid job or wealthy relatives can afford any mishaps. Highly educated individuals are expected to have these economical prerequisites. Being employed in Sweden or receiving social benefits there, give negative marginal effects on the probability of emigration. Therefore, the position on the Swedish labor market has importance for an emigration decision. Being married or having children decreases the probability of emigration. However, the family status effects are stronger for outmigration to a third country. Further, it is more likely for a family to return than emigrate to a third country. It is also more likely for women to return, while there is a larger fraction of men that migrate to a third country. Summarizing the most important findings, the probability of outmigration is strongly reduced by the level of integration. This is not only an analysis of individual micro data. The political and economic differences between home country and source country are also compared. Pull-factors seem to dominate return migration since Sweden has a more stabilized economic and political situation. However, the refugees must have strong economic prerequisites or wealthy relatives to support them, in order to realize a return migration decision. A large fraction of the refugees who wish to return do not have the possibilities to realize their return intentions. They consider themselves as temporary migrants, but have involuntary become permanent migrants in Sweden.

<p>This study analyzes the determinants of return migration from Sweden to Bosnia and Herzegovina, and outmigration to third country during the time period 1994-2003. The study is limited to the refugees who arrived to Sweden 1993-1994. One important aim is also to find out to what extent the propensity of return migration is affected by integration and participation in the Swedish labor market.</p><p>There is a larger fraction of the refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina who return than migrate to a third country. The results show that a higher education is affecting the return migration decision positively, but not the migration to another country. Since the social protection system in Bosnia and Herzegovina is partially undeveloped, only those with a well paid job or wealthy relatives can afford any mishaps. Highly educated individuals are expected to have these economical prerequisites. Being employed in Sweden or receiving social benefits there, give negative marginal effects on the probability of emigration. Therefore, the position on the Swedish labor market has importance for an emigration decision. Being married or having children decreases the probability of emigration. However, the family status effects are stronger for outmigration to a third country. Further, it is more likely for a family to return than emigrate to a third country. It is also more likely for women to return, while there is a larger fraction of men that migrate to a third country. Summarizing the most important findings, the probability of outmigration is strongly reduced by the level of integration.</p><p>This is not only an analysis of individual micro data. The political and economic differences between home country and source country are also compared. Pull-factors seem to dominate return migration since Sweden has a more stabilized economic and political situation. However, the refugees must have strong economic prerequisites or wealthy relatives to support them, in order to realize a return migration decision. A large fraction of the refugees who wish to return do not have the possibilities to realize their return intentions. They consider themselves as temporary migrants, but have involuntary become permanent migrants in Sweden.</p>

The trade in human beings, or Trafficking in Persons (TiP) is global and affecting every country. In the last years, increasing attention has been paid to TiP for the purpose of sexual exploitation. This led to a growing need to tackle this phenomenon. Only recently, the relationship between TiP and armed conflict has been acknowledged but remains under-studied. Cameron and Newman (2008) have outlined a framework in which structural factors linked to proximate factors could have explanatory value on the relationship between armed conflict and TiP. This thesis analyzes two cases of armed conflict, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Sierra Leone, attempting to explain the increase in TiP of women and girls for the purpose of sexual exploitation by applying this theoretical framework. In this qualitative research a comparative method is used in applying the framework to two case studies, aiming to identify the explanatory value of Cameron and Newman’s (2008) framework. It is found that the general explanatory value of the framework is high and the proximate factors can be classified as: a fully explanatory proximate factor, case dependent proximate factors, and conflict-phase proximate factors. In addition, this thesis is identifying some elements that could influence TiP of women and girls for the purpose of sexual exploitation during conflict and post-conflict that could be of added value to this framework, namely: the implementation of government strategies, corruption of non-government officials, economic deterioration as a consequence of migration, and involvement of peacekeepers and members of the international community in TiP of women and girls for the purpose of sexual exploitation.

In the unique post-war and post-socialist arena several recent studies onformer Yugoslavian countries indicate that young people confronted by challengesof risk and uncertainty are turning away from the national and politicalsphere. Instead, they often seek trust and opportunities in their networks and relationshipson a personal level. This thesis explores the narratives and everydaypractices of young adults in Sarajevo regarding their friendship sociabilities. The aim is to provide an insight on how friendships are characterised, experiencedand related to the specific social and economic organisations that influencesthem. Based on fieldwork carried out in Sarajevo, Bosnia &amp; Herzegovina myproject wants to present how young adults are reflecting and developing aspirationsin the light of their available choices and opportunities in life and how theyare using their friends in order to access various types of benefits and support. It is argued that in specific contexts friendships constitute the main social capitals and orientation points for young people. In order to explore and navigate through the different interests and agendas present in their community when it comes to personal education, career development and housing young peoplenecessarily choose to favour the reliance on their informal solidarities in form offriendships.

Problems of coherence and effectiveness have been repeatedly mentioned by external observers as affecting European Union (EU) external action. A theory-based explanation of this state of affairs is, however, lacking in the literature. This thesis aims to address this lacuna by focusing on a particular aspect of EU external action, the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), and by analysing CFSP actions in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) throughout the period 1991-2006. Its primary goal is to determine which factors explain different degrees of coherence and effectiveness, and, in particular, whether or not, increasing CFSP institutionalisation has promoted coherence and effectiveness. After introducing the concepts of coherence and effectiveness, the thesis sketches the political and academic debate surrounding these concepts, and three key explanatory factors are singled out: interests, identities and institutions. The latter is taken as a starting point for analysis. Drawing on a historical institutionalist theory, it explores the CFSP institutionalisation and examines how the development of institutions, path dependency, unintended consequences , learning and socialisation have affected CFSP coherence and effectiveness over time. Furthermore, it aims to find out whether changes in institutions have facilitated convergence of Member States' interests regarding EU policy towards BiH, as well as the development of the EU's broader international role. The thesis then proceeds to investigate CFSP activities in BiH, analysing coherence and effectiveness in eight case studies. It concludes that CFSP institutionalisation has partially increased levels of effectiveness over the period 1991-2006. As for coherence, greater institutionalisation has resulted in some problems of coherence in the short term, but leaming has been a significant factor correcting these in the medium and long term. While path dependency has resulted in problems of coherence and effectiveness, socialisation processes have been important in facilitating consensus among the Member States. Finally, CFSP institutionalisation is seen as having had an impact on the EU's international role moving it from a civilian to a normative power, willing to resort to military instruments when necessary.