This assessment addresses the intervention of intrastate conflict through the coordination of humanitarian aid and military force. The coordination, known as humanitarian intervention, dates back to the philosophy of Hugo Grotius and the debate of the Just War doctrine. Through the evolution of international law and the concept of sovereignty, justification of intervention continued to develop though the establishment of the United Nations Charter. Several moral, legal and political debates that formed in early philosophies persist through the implementation of humanitarian intervention in modern warfare. The historical background and of philosophical challenges of humanitarian intervention are reflected in recent cases studies such as the conflicts in Somalia, former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. With the consideration of this assessment, one can conclude the necessary conditions needed for a successful humanitarian intervention. In the twenty-first century, a time when weapons range from nuclear arms to homemade explosives and when political instability endangers an interconnected international community, there exists a need for adaptation to any given threat. Humanitarian intervention is one possible solution to redress human rights violations and maintain international peace and security.

The history of mankind has been plagued by an almost continuous chain of various armed conflicts - local, regional, national and global - that have caused horrendous damage to the social and physical fabric of cities. The tragedy of millions deprived by war still continues. This study sets out to understand the nature of reconstruction after war in the light of recent armed conflicts. It attempts to catalogue and discuss the tasks involved in the process of reconstruction planning by establishing a conceptual framework of the main issues in the reconstruction process. The case of Bosnia and Herzegovina is examined in detail and on the whole acts as the leit-motif of the whole dissertation and positions reconstruction in the broader context of sustainable development. The study is organized into two parts that constitute the doctoral aggregate dissertation – a combining of papers with an introductory monograph. In this case the introductory monograph is an extended one and there are six papers that follow. Both sections can be read on their own merits but also constitute one entity. The rebuilding of war-devastated countries and communities can be seen as a series of nonintegrated activities carried out (and often imposed) by international agencies and governments, serving political and other agendas. The result is that calamities of war are often accompanied by the calamities of reconstruction without any regard to sustainable development. The body of knowledge related to post-conflict reconstruction lacks a strong and cohesive theory. In order to better understand the process of reconstruction we present a qualitative inquiry based on the Grounded Theory Method developed originally by Barney Glaser and Anselm Strauss (1967). This approach utilizes a complex conceptualization with empirical evidence to produce theoretical structure. The results of process have evolved into the development of a conceptual model, called SCOPE (Sustainable Communities in Post-conflict Environments). This study proposes both a structure within which to examine post-conflict reconstruction and provides an implementation method. We propose to use the SCOPE model as a set of strategy, policy and program recommendations to assist the international community and all relevant decision-makers to ensure that the destruction and carnage of war does not have to be followed by a disaster of post-conflict reconstruction. We also offer to provide a new foundation and paradigm on post-conflict reconstruction, which incorporates and integrates a number of approaches into a multidisciplinary and systems thinking manner in order to better understand the complexity and dependencies of issues at hand. We believe that such a systems approach could better be able to incorporate the complexities involved and would offer much better results than the approaches currently in use. The final section of this study returns to the fact that although it is probably impossible to produce universal answers, we desperately need to find commonalities amongst different postconflict reconstruction settings in order to better deal with the reconstruction planning in a more dynamic, proactive, and sustainable manner. / <p>QC 20111014</p>

(in English): The thesis deals with representations of civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the media that are influential among Bosniaks and Bosnian Serbs. The introduction summarizes the course of the war and briefly presents current social situation in the country. The nature of media field and of the media as such are described with use of existing analyses and research and with use of available information on media ownership. Continuing ethnic division of media is observed. The thesis uses critical discourse analysis both as a theoretic approach to discourse and as a methodological tool to its study. The civil war discourse in Bosniak and Bosnian Serb media is represented in the analysis by two daily newspapers on each side. The analysis showed mutually incompatible representations of causes and of the nature of the war, prevailing absence of their mutual dialogue and ignorance of war victims of the other side. Looking at more specific topics, a number of discourses are identified on both sides, among which there are some with potential to dialogue with alternative representations. The discourses are interpreted through Bosniak and Bosnian Serb nationalist ideologies.

The crime of genocide in the light of a judgment of the ICJ This diploma thesis addresses the influence of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) decision1 on the crime of genocide. On 22nd March 1993 Bosnia and Herzegovina brought an action against the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRJ) before the ICJ. FRJ was charged with the breach of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (Convention). After 14 years, the ICJ held decision on 26th February 2007. In the beginning, the Court had to solve procedural issue concerning the position of the Respondent in the dispute and after it positive answer, it could proceed to consider the merits of the case. The important part of the Decision is dedicated to the responsibility of a state for the genocide. Although the Convention did not explicitly anchor it, the Court deduced it by interpretation of the Article I. The prohibition on the genocide is then recognized not only under the customary law, but also in the Convention. Consequently "the Court observes that the obligations in question in this case (...) and the responsibilities of the States (...) are obligations and responsibilities under international law. They are not of a criminal nature."2 Therefore, the standard of proof is not as high as beyond reasonable doubts...

Durant les opérations de reconstruction qui ont eu lieu à la suite des conflits en Bosnie-Herzégovine (1992-1995) et au Kosovo (1998-1999), d’importants moyens ont été déployés par des organisations internationales pour réformer les espaces médiatiques bosnien et kosovar en vue de les dépolitiser. Ces réformes visaient notamment la création d’instances de réglementation des médias et la transformation du secteur de la radiodiffusion, qui s’avérait problématique en raison de la présence de médias relayant des discours incitant leur auditoire à la haine ethnique ou religieuse. Ces initiatives en matière de réglementation des médias et de réforme du secteur de la radiodiffusion ont nécessité des investissements considérables. Elles ont aussi généré des débats animés, qui ont révélé des divergences importantes entre les différents acteurs impliqués dans ces processus de réforme. En Bosnie, par exemple, l’élaboration de la loi relative au système de radiodiffusion publique a provoqué des échanges acrimonieux entre les responsables du Bureau du Haut Représentant et l’ambassade américaine. Au Kosovo, les initiatives de réglementation de la presse kosovare menées par l’OSCE et l’ONU ont été vivement critiquées par des ONG de défense de la presse qui les associaient à de la censure.Comment expliquer ces débats qui dévoilent différentes philosophies d’intervention en matière de réforme des médias? En procédant à une étude des théories normatives de la presse et de la littérature spécialisée, nous avons élaboré deux idéaux-types : l’« approche américaine » et l’« approche ouest-européenne ». Les caractéristiques de ces deux concepts idéal-typiques nous ont permis d’analyser les données recueillies durant notre recherche, incluant 50 entrevues, dont plusieurs avec des acteurs diplomatiques qui ont été au cœur de ces processus de réforme. Ce faisant, nous avons construit quatre propositions qui dévoilent les principales conclusions avancées dans cette thèse. Nous suggérons notamment que les approches des acteurs impliqués dans les processus de réforme des médias en Bosnie et au Kosovo peuvent être éclairées par certaines normes dominantes des environnements médiatiques aux États-Unis et en Europe de l’Ouest, ce qui permet une meilleure compréhension de leurs débats et leurs divergences. / During the interventions that followed the conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992-1995) and in Kosovo (1998-1999), important resources were engaged by international organizations to reform the Bosnian and Kosovan media space. These reforms were aimed at the depoliticization of the media environment through the establishment of media regulatory bodies and the transformation of the broadcasting sector, which had caused concern due to the presence of propagandist media that were inciting ethnic and religious hatred.Media regulatory and broadcasting reforms implemented in Bosnia and Kosovo required significant investments. Most interestingly, these reforms caused heated debates that revealed significant differences of view among the actors involved. In Bosnia, for instance, the development of a law targeting the public broadcasting system generated a sometimes acrimonious debate between the Office of the High Representative in Bosnia and the American embassy. In Kosovo, initiatives to regulate the media by the OSCE mission and the United Nations were vigorously criticized by NGOs defending freedom of the press, arguing that such measures amounted to censoring of the media. How can we explain these debates, which reveal different intervention philosophies with regards to media reforms? In light of an analysis of the normative theories of the press and of the relevant scientific literature, we have developed two ideal-types: the “American approach” and the “West-European approach”. These two concepts facilitated the analysis of the data collected during this doctoral research. The data included the information gathered from fifty interviews, many of which were conducted with policy makers and diplomats that played a key role in these reforms. The data collection and analysis, achieved through an iterative process, allowed us to develop four propositions, which reveal the main findings of this research. We suggest, among other things, that the approaches of the actors involved in the media reform processes in Bosnia and Kosovo can be explained in light of some of the media environments’ dominant norms in the United States and in Western Europe, which clarifies in turn the different perspectives of these actors and the debates that resulted.

<p>The principal aim of this study is to examine attitudes and values, through questionnaires, among students and teachers in the last grade of primary school (grade 8) regarding issues related to authoritarianism, democracy, human rights, children rights, conflict resolution and legislation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. A second aim is to explore and analyze the role of the international community in the democratization and education processes in the light of globalization in this country through secondary sources of data, site visits and observations.</p><p>Analysis of the student sample reveals suspicion towards democracy, especially when democracy was associated with politics and politicians. When the issue of democracy was de-contextualized from Bosnia and Herzegovina realities in the questionnaire, students showed more positive attitudes towards it. Students generally agreed with very strong authoritarian statements. High achieving students were more democratic, more socially responsible, more tolerant regarding attitudes towards religion, race and disabilities, and less authoritarian compared to low achievers. High achievers felt that they had influence over daily events, and were positive towards social and civil engagement. High achievers viewed politics negatively, but had high scores on the democracy scale. High achievers also agreed to a larger extent that it is acceptable to break the law. The more authoritarian students were somewhat more prone to respond that it is not acceptable to break the law.</p><p>The major findings from the teacher sample show that teachers who agreed with non-peaceful mediation, and had a non-forgiving and rigid approach to interpersonal conflicts, also agreed with strong authoritarian statements and were less democratic. In general, teachers valued students who behave respectfully, have a good upbringing and are obedient. They were very concerned about the general status of education in society, which they felt was becoming marginalized. Teachers were not happy with the overloaded curricula and they showed an interest in more knowledge and skills to help children with traumatic war experiences. When asked about positive reforms, teachers were highly critical of, and dissatisfied with, the educational situation.</p><p>Bosnia and Herzegovina is undergoing a transition from a state-planned economy and one party system to a market economy and a multi party system. During this transition, the country has become more involved in the globalization process than ever. Today the country is a semi-protectorate where international authorities intervene when necessary. The International community is attempting to introduce western democracy and some of the many complexities in this process are discussed in this study. Globalization processes imply contradictory demands and pressures on the education system. On one hand, economic liberalization has affected education policies —a closer alignment between education and economic competitiveness. On the other hand, there is a political and ideological globalization process underlying the importance of human rights, and the inclusiveness of education for all children. Students and teachers are caught between two opposing ideals — competition and cooperation.</p>

<p>Bakgrund: En av de viktigaste förutsättningarna för att Bosnien och Hercegovina ska kunna åstadkomma en hållbar ekonomisk tillväxt, är att landet integreras i världsekonomin och skapar ett klimat som främjar utländska investeringar. Idag råder det hård konkurrens mellan länder när det gäller att attrahera utländska investerare, och det är upp till varje land att utveckla effektiva strategier för att kunna hantera konkurrensen.</p><p>Syfte: Syftet med studien är att undersöka vad Bosnien och Hercegovina gör för att attrahera utländska direktinvesteringar. Vidare är vårt syfte att studera vilka effekter landets aktiviteter har på utländska investerare.</p><p>Metod: För att uppnå syftet med uppsatsen används en metodtriangulering bestående av intervjuer med experter, en enkätundersökning av utländska företag i Bosnien och Hercegovina, en deltagande observation samt olika rapporter och andra skriftliga källor.</p><p>Resultat och slutsats: Undersökningen visar att Bosnien och Hercegovina har flera fördelar som kan erbjudas till utländska investerare, framförallt naturresurser, men även turismsektorn har potential att utvecklas. Den makroekonomiska stabiliteten upplevs även som mycket fördelaktig. För närvarande finns det däremot fler hinder än fördelar för utländska investerare. Samtliga intervjurespondenter påpekar att den svaga infrastrukturen och den dåliga imagen som landet har i världen, försvårar för utländska investeringar. Faktorer som upplevs som hinder för utländska investerare bottnar främst i det fattiga företagsklimatet och det otillräckliga stödet från regeringen och andra statliga institutioner. Vissa framsteg har gjorts i detta avseende, men för närvarande är det svårt att göra landet konkurrenskraftigt när det gäller att attrahera utländska investerare. Avsaknaden av ett generöst heltäckande incitamentsprogram gör det omöjligt att framhäva de fördelar som finns. Det geografiska läget kan inte utnyttjas med den undermåliga infrastrukturen och de skatteincitamenten som erbjuds får föga effekt när affärsklimatet upplevs som oattraktivt med krångliga regler och långa procedurer. Detta beror på att landets tillgångar inte är identifierade och att få resurser används för att utveckla effektiva strategier för att marknadsföra dem. Uppgiften att förbättra landets image blir därför svår med de förutsättningar som ges.</p> / <p>Background: To become an economically self-sustainable country Bosnia and Herzegovina needs to create the necessary conditions for an accelerated economic recovery, an integration in the world economy and to create a business environment that promotes FDI. Because of the hard competition among countries there is a need to enhance the capacity to attract FDI. Each country has to develop efficient strategies in order to be competitive.</p><p>Purpose: The purpose of this essay is to examine what Bosnia and Herzegovina does to attract FDI and to identify those factors that are important in determining investment decisions and that influence the environment for conducting business in Bosnia and Herzegovina.</p><p>Method: In order to attain the purpose of the essay the authors have used a triangulation of methods consisting interviews with experts, a survey of companies that have made foreign investments in Bosnia and Herzegovina and a participant observation.</p><p>Results and Conclusions: The study identifies several available advantages for foreign investors in Bosnia and Herzegovina. There is a potential in industries based on natural resources, but there is also a potential for tourism. The macroeconomic stability is also seen as an advantage for the country. The results of the study also show that there are many obstacles for foreign investors. The interview respondents saw the undeveloped infrastructure and the bad image of the country as factors that aggravate the possibility to attract FDI into the country. The poor business environment and the weak support given from the government and other public institutions have been identified as those factors that mainly influence investment decisions negatively. Progresses have been made in Bosnia and Herzegovina, but not enough to be strongly competitive when it comes to attracting FDI. The lack of a general incentive program makes it difficult to emphasise the existing advantages. The weak infrastructure makes it hard to promote the favourable geographic position, and the tax incentives that are offered can hardly be used to attract FDI, because of the unattractive business climate with long administrative procedures. The assets in Bosnia and Herzegovina have not been recognized and there is no general strategy to promote them. Because of these conditions it’s difficult to improve the image of the country.</p>

The principal aim of this study is to examine attitudes and values, through questionnaires, among students and teachers in the last grade of primary school (grade 8) regarding issues related to authoritarianism, democracy, human rights, children rights, conflict resolution and legislation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. A second aim is to explore and analyze the role of the international community in the democratization and education processes in the light of globalization in this country through secondary sources of data, site visits and observations. Analysis of the student sample reveals suspicion towards democracy, especially when democracy was associated with politics and politicians. When the issue of democracy was de-contextualized from Bosnia and Herzegovina realities in the questionnaire, students showed more positive attitudes towards it. Students generally agreed with very strong authoritarian statements. High achieving students were more democratic, more socially responsible, more tolerant regarding attitudes towards religion, race and disabilities, and less authoritarian compared to low achievers. High achievers felt that they had influence over daily events, and were positive towards social and civil engagement. High achievers viewed politics negatively, but had high scores on the democracy scale. High achievers also agreed to a larger extent that it is acceptable to break the law. The more authoritarian students were somewhat more prone to respond that it is not acceptable to break the law. The major findings from the teacher sample show that teachers who agreed with non-peaceful mediation, and had a non-forgiving and rigid approach to interpersonal conflicts, also agreed with strong authoritarian statements and were less democratic. In general, teachers valued students who behave respectfully, have a good upbringing and are obedient. They were very concerned about the general status of education in society, which they felt was becoming marginalized. Teachers were not happy with the overloaded curricula and they showed an interest in more knowledge and skills to help children with traumatic war experiences. When asked about positive reforms, teachers were highly critical of, and dissatisfied with, the educational situation. Bosnia and Herzegovina is undergoing a transition from a state-planned economy and one party system to a market economy and a multi party system. During this transition, the country has become more involved in the globalization process than ever. Today the country is a semi-protectorate where international authorities intervene when necessary. The International community is attempting to introduce western democracy and some of the many complexities in this process are discussed in this study. Globalization processes imply contradictory demands and pressures on the education system. On one hand, economic liberalization has affected education policies —a closer alignment between education and economic competitiveness. On the other hand, there is a political and ideological globalization process underlying the importance of human rights, and the inclusiveness of education for all children. Students and teachers are caught between two opposing ideals — competition and cooperation.

Bakgrund: En av de viktigaste förutsättningarna för att Bosnien och Hercegovina ska kunna åstadkomma en hållbar ekonomisk tillväxt, är att landet integreras i världsekonomin och skapar ett klimat som främjar utländska investeringar. Idag råder det hård konkurrens mellan länder när det gäller att attrahera utländska investerare, och det är upp till varje land att utveckla effektiva strategier för att kunna hantera konkurrensen. Syfte: Syftet med studien är att undersöka vad Bosnien och Hercegovina gör för att attrahera utländska direktinvesteringar. Vidare är vårt syfte att studera vilka effekter landets aktiviteter har på utländska investerare. Metod: För att uppnå syftet med uppsatsen används en metodtriangulering bestående av intervjuer med experter, en enkätundersökning av utländska företag i Bosnien och Hercegovina, en deltagande observation samt olika rapporter och andra skriftliga källor. Resultat och slutsats: Undersökningen visar att Bosnien och Hercegovina har flera fördelar som kan erbjudas till utländska investerare, framförallt naturresurser, men även turismsektorn har potential att utvecklas. Den makroekonomiska stabiliteten upplevs även som mycket fördelaktig. För närvarande finns det däremot fler hinder än fördelar för utländska investerare. Samtliga intervjurespondenter påpekar att den svaga infrastrukturen och den dåliga imagen som landet har i världen, försvårar för utländska investeringar. Faktorer som upplevs som hinder för utländska investerare bottnar främst i det fattiga företagsklimatet och det otillräckliga stödet från regeringen och andra statliga institutioner. Vissa framsteg har gjorts i detta avseende, men för närvarande är det svårt att göra landet konkurrenskraftigt när det gäller att attrahera utländska investerare. Avsaknaden av ett generöst heltäckande incitamentsprogram gör det omöjligt att framhäva de fördelar som finns. Det geografiska läget kan inte utnyttjas med den undermåliga infrastrukturen och de skatteincitamenten som erbjuds får föga effekt när affärsklimatet upplevs som oattraktivt med krångliga regler och långa procedurer. Detta beror på att landets tillgångar inte är identifierade och att få resurser används för att utveckla effektiva strategier för att marknadsföra dem. Uppgiften att förbättra landets image blir därför svår med de förutsättningar som ges. / Background: To become an economically self-sustainable country Bosnia and Herzegovina needs to create the necessary conditions for an accelerated economic recovery, an integration in the world economy and to create a business environment that promotes FDI. Because of the hard competition among countries there is a need to enhance the capacity to attract FDI. Each country has to develop efficient strategies in order to be competitive. Purpose: The purpose of this essay is to examine what Bosnia and Herzegovina does to attract FDI and to identify those factors that are important in determining investment decisions and that influence the environment for conducting business in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Method: In order to attain the purpose of the essay the authors have used a triangulation of methods consisting interviews with experts, a survey of companies that have made foreign investments in Bosnia and Herzegovina and a participant observation. Results and Conclusions: The study identifies several available advantages for foreign investors in Bosnia and Herzegovina. There is a potential in industries based on natural resources, but there is also a potential for tourism. The macroeconomic stability is also seen as an advantage for the country. The results of the study also show that there are many obstacles for foreign investors. The interview respondents saw the undeveloped infrastructure and the bad image of the country as factors that aggravate the possibility to attract FDI into the country. The poor business environment and the weak support given from the government and other public institutions have been identified as those factors that mainly influence investment decisions negatively. Progresses have been made in Bosnia and Herzegovina, but not enough to be strongly competitive when it comes to attracting FDI. The lack of a general incentive program makes it difficult to emphasise the existing advantages. The weak infrastructure makes it hard to promote the favourable geographic position, and the tax incentives that are offered can hardly be used to attract FDI, because of the unattractive business climate with long administrative procedures. The assets in Bosnia and Herzegovina have not been recognized and there is no general strategy to promote them. Because of these conditions it’s difficult to improve the image of the country.

In this thesis I explore the relationship between characteristics of the society culture in Bosnia, the organizational culture of Bosnian enterprises and characteristics of the expected leadership in Bosnian companies of three branches of industry (food processing, telecommunications, and financial services). Much of the inspiration for this thesis comes from the Global Leadership and Organizational Behaviour Effectiveness (GLOBE) project. The main idea of GLOBE is to advance an empirically established theory, to comprehend and envisage the effect of particular cultural variables on leadership and organizational processes and the effectiveness of these processes. The research instruments build up on both quantitative and selected qualitative GLOBE research methods in order to supply descriptive and scientifically valid data of cultural influences on leadership expectations and organizational practices in Bosnian society. The background theory guiding this thesis is the culturally endorsed implicit theory of leadership (CLT) developed for the GLOBE project. Empirical findings reveal that historically, religiously and politically impacted models of thinking are still predominant features of Bosnian society. Even though internationalization opens Bosnian market for business interactions, various conventional patterns of behaviour seem to be maintained. On the other hand, Bosnian managers expect positive change in the Bosnian society. The existing cultural profiles of organizations in three sectors are rather divergent and shaped under the influence of the industry in which they function. In contrast, organizational culture value profiles of the industries investigated have equalizing effects, which indicates the impact of Bosnian societal culture on the desired cultural profile of Bosnian organizations. Charismatic/value based, team oriented and participative leadership dimensions are accounted to be the most significant dimensions for effective leadership in Bosnia. Furthermore, empirical findings suggest that leadership dimensions are connected with culture in a unique way. It was found that society and organizational culture influence the way people perceive effective leaders, as well as status, influence and privileges granted to leaders. Individual perceptions of effective leadership in Bosnian society and organizations are dependent of society and organizational culture. Furthermore, it was found that organizational culture values were more frequently predictive of leadership dimensions than societal cultural values.