This dissertation analyses when, how and why Turkish loanwords became incorporated into Bosnian and Bulgarian, as seen in the writings of the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Bosnian and Bulgarian Franciscans. I analyse Bosnian works (religious and secular) by Matija Divkovic, Ivan Bandulavic, Pavo Posilovic Mošunjanin, Mihovil Radnic, Stjepan Margitic Markovac, Lovro Braculjevic, Filip Lastric, Nikola Marcinkušic Lašvanin, Marko Dobretic, Bono Benic, and Grgo Ilijic-Varešanin. As a Bulgarian counterpart, I analyse three eighteenth-century Bulgarian Franciscan manuscripts and the works of Petar Bogdan Bakšic and Filip Stanislavov. The dissertation consists of eight chapters. The first chapter gives background information on Turkish presence in Bosnia and Bulgaria, the history of the Franciscans in Bosnia and Bulgaria, short biographies of each of the writers whose works are analysed, phonology and orthography. The second chapter focuses on the complications regarding establishing earliest attestations for turkisms in Bosnian and Bulgarian. The third chapter discusses the nominal morphology of turkisms in Bosnian and Bulgarian. This chapter analyses why turkisms developed the gender that they did when borrowed from a language that does not have gender as a category. Chapter four addresses the verbal morphology of turkisms in Bosnian and Bulgarian. Verbal prefixes are discussed in detail, as are Turkish voiced suffixes in Bulgarian. The fifth chapter analyses adjectives and adverbs, with focus on gender and number agreement. The sixth chapter addresses the use of Turkish conjunctions. The seventh chapter looks at the motivation, semantics and setting of turkisms in Bosnian and Bulgarian. The conclusion addresses how morphology, semantics, motivation and setting of turkisms relate to their chronology in Bosnian and Bulgarian and how these areas differ from language to language.

no / The 1992-1995 war in Bosnia and Hercegovina (BiH) was the most violent phase of the dissolution of former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY), of which, for almost 50 years, BiH was one of six constituent republics. In the course of the war BiH¿s three main ethic groups- - Muslims, Bosnian Croats and Bosnian Serbs, with active involvement of neighbouring Croatia and Serbia, fought each other in pursuit of its own vision of BiH political and territorial (re) organization. The causes and the character of the war remain contentious, the main disagreement being over the issue of whether it was a war of aggression by BiH¿s neighbours or a civil war. Essentially, it contained the elements of both, which determined the way the war was fought, the multiplicity of actors involved, and complexity of agendas played out in the course of the conflict, its settlement and peace building process. The fighting was brought to end by an intense international military and diplomatic campaign, which pushed the worrying parties into compromise none of which considered just. The task of implementing complex terms of the peace agreement was put overwhelmingly in the hands of international actors, while local parties pursued the strategy of obstruction, trying to assert their own interpretation of the peace agreement that would accommodate some of their war aims.This paper looks at war veterans associations, as one particular type of non- state actors engaged in undermining peace settlement in the specific context of BiH war. Because of their position on the continuum between combatants and outside actor, and the nature of relationship with the political leadership negotiating the peace agreement, this case could provide different insights into the issue of spoiling in the types of contemporary conflicts characterised by multiplicity of both actors and agendas, and complex strategies needed to pacify them. The paper starts by brief analysis of the political and economic goals behind the 1992-1995 war, narrowing inquiry into Bosnian Croats self- rule as a political project and goal of the strategy of spoiling pursued by Bosnian Croat war veterans associations. It then reflects on the terms of the peace agreement, indicating some of the main areas the implementation of which was actively obstructed by this group. The analysis of the war veterans association deals with their origins and the position in the Bosnian Croat post- war power structures, the sources of their funding and their official and hidden agenda. The probe into spoiling tactics focuses on three important aspects of the peace agreement i.e. refugee return, war crimes prosecution and institution building, and is followed by a brief analysis on the impact of various strategies the international community as a custodian of peace has used to sustain its implementation.

This paper aims to explore and discuss the points found in published research articles addressing posttraumatic stress disorder in children following the Bosnian Genocide, the terrorist attacks of 9/11, and Hurricane Katrina. The articles vary in their emphasis, methods, and conclusions, but all focus in one way or another on how the occurrence of war, terrorism, and natural disaster have resulted in posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms in youth. Intervention following traumatic events, however, rarely focus on treating mental health needs, and instead, focus on resolving any primary needs of vulnerable populations. The recommended treatment strategies for PTSD in youth require high quality mental health care and great accessibility for victims of trauma. Considering the high prevalence of PTSD in children following traumatic experiences, treatment of PTSD symptoms is necessary to ensure that youth can fully function in their daily lives without a constant reminder of the trauma they experienced.

International criminal tribunals rely on international support. However, in the case of the ICTY and the ICTR, international support has been uneven. I argue that this uneven support is related to the post-atrocity status of the domestic governing authority. In cases where the governing authority retains the status of victim, as in Rwanda following the 1994 Tutsi genocide, the international community has been reluctant to back the ICTR in its attempts to prosecute all participants of the 1994 genocide. In cases where the governing authority retains the status of perpetrator, as in Serbia following the Bosnian genocide of the 1990s, the international community has been more supportive of the ICTY. In cases where the post-atrocity status is mixed, as in Croatia, the backing of the international community of the ICTY has been similarly mixed.

Forced by the atrocities of war from their native country, Bosnian families came to United States seeking refuge and a new life. Immigrating to a new country, however, involves the process of acculturation which can dilute many native practices. Like many refugees that immigrated, Bosnians sought to adapt to the American way of life, while keeping their traditional ethnic customs, practices, and religion (Val & Iain-Walker, 2003). Many Bosnian refugee parents worked to keep the Bosnian practices prevalent in their first and second generation Bosnian American children. By doing so, Bosnian parents imbedded into their children the original customs, practices, and traditions of the Bosnian culture. Moreover, they raised their children to have great pride in their native country. Part of keeping the native culture alive, as an adult child of a refugee, involved marrying someone of the same ethnic and religious background (Inman, Howard, Beaumont, &Walker, 2007). Using Communication Acculturation Theory, this study examined the relationship between the degree of acculturation of Bosnian refugees in the United States and their preference and stress level in relational partner selection taking into consideration parental pressure and ethnic group community expectations. Results from this study find that acculturation is negatively correlated with the preference for a Bosnian mate but only the amount of interpersonal intimate communication the Bosnian members has with Bosnians and non-Bosnians is indicative of any mate selection stress experienced. Further, ethnic group community expectations and parental pressure are positively correlated with preference for a Bosnian mate, but only the expectations of the ethnic group and not pressure from parents was correlated with any stress the individual feels to find a Bosnian mate.

I investigate the phonology of prosodic clitics--independent syntactic words not parsed as independent prosodic words--in Bosnian, Serbian, and Croatian. I ask, first, how clitics are organized into prosodic structures, and second, how this is determined by the grammar. Following Zec (1997, 2005), I look at several clitic categories, including negation, prepositions, complementizers, conjunctions, and second-position clitics. Based on a reanalysis of word accent (Browne and McCawley 1965, Inkelas and Zec 1988, Zec 1999), I argue that in some cases where a preposition, complementizer, or conjunction fails to realize accent determined by a following word, it is not a proclitic-- that is, prosodified with the following word--but rather a free clitic parsed directly by a phonological phrase. Conversely, the second-position clitics are not always enclitic--that is, prosodified with a preceding word--but are sometimes free. Their second-position word order results not from enclisis, but from the avoidance of free clitics at phrase edges, where they would interfere with the alignment of phonological phrases to prosodic words. Regarding the determination of clisis by the grammar, I argue for an interface constraint approach (Selkirk 1995, Truckenbrodt 1995), whereby prosodic structures are built according to general constraints on their well-formedness, and on their interface to syntactic structures. I contrast this with the subcategorization approach , which sees clisis as specified for each clitic (Klavans 1982, Radanovic-Kocic 1988, Zec and Inkelas 1990). The comparison across clitic categories provides key support for the interface constraint approach, showing that their prosody depends on their syntactic configurations and phonological shapes, rather than on arbitrary subcategorizations. Prosodic differences across categories are a derivative effect of their configuration in the clause, and of the division of the clause into phonological phrases. The relevance of phonological phrases consists in how their edges discourage some kinds of clisis, blocking, for example, proclisis of complementizers and conjunctions to their complements. Free clisis is disfavored at phrase edges, producing the second-position effect. Thus, the interface constraint approach leads to a unified account of word, phrase, and clitic prosody.

Doctor of Philosophy / Security Studies Interdepartmental Program / Donald J. Mrozek / From 1989 to 1999, the US had an opportunity to end its rivalry with Russia. However, a “loss aversion heuristic” dominated the decision-making processes of George Bush and Bill Clinton resulting in policies that provoked Russian fears of encirclement. This “loss aversion heuristic” manifested in four key security decisions: the reunification of Germany within NATO, NATO expansion to newly independent states, the Balkans interventions, and the nuclear non-proliferation regime. Although initially suspicious of Gorbachev, Bush eventually pursued a policy of supporting his reforms. However, as the administration came to terms with the inevitability of German reunification and increased European integration as outlined in the Single European Act of 1987, worries about the US leadership role in Europe emerged. By the fall of 1989, Bush backed German reunification to bolster pro-NATO political parties in Germany. As he assumed the presidency in 1993, Clinton wanted to increase financial assistance to Russia. However, when it came to security issues, Clinton’s fear of losing democratic gains in Eastern Europe to an emerging Russian nationalist movement made him less conciliatory to Russia. Despite Yeltsin’s dismay, Clinton pushed for NATO’s enlargement to protect the newly independent states. The same “loss aversion heuristic” was in play with the NATO interventions in the Balkans in 1995 and 1998. Criticisms of NATO’s ineffectiveness at preventing genocide on the continent called into question the necessity of a European security organization that could not provide security. Even though the interventions cemented a continued rivalry with Russia, the US backed them as a means of protecting the relevance of NATO. These decisions had implications to the US policy of protecting the nuclear non-proliferation regime. Instead of securing a nuclear security partner, US policy contributed to Russians selling technology to rogue regimes, and they resisted US attempts to create an Anti-Ballistic Missile Defense (ABM) system in Eastern Europe. In this way, US policy success in securing NATO resulted in decreased nuclear security. In the first three security decisions, the US overestimated the probability of loss making them unable to consider a more cooperative posture vis-à-vis Russian security concerns. The result of this loss aversion was the protection of NATO and the loss of cooperation on the nuclear non-proliferation regime.

The aim of this essay is to study the lives of Bosnian refugees who were forced into fleeing their homeland and integrate into the Swedish culture and society.  During the period of 1992 to 1996, approximately 2.2 million Bosnian citizens were forced to flee to other countries due to the civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Some of the citizens were internally displaced in nearby regions or border countries. Other refugees sought residence in different parts of the world. The Swedish Migration agency granted residency permits to 50,000 Bosnians between the years of 1993 to 1994.1  In order to accomplish the purpose of the essay, four Bosnian refugees who arrived in Sweden during the 1990s have been interviewed. The four interviewees generated answers which are then compared to previous research in this field. Written history tends to describe people in power as well as warfare in general. Therefore, by using oral history as a method in this study to investigate Bosnian refugees ́experiences, a more significant perspective of how they experienced integration in the Swedish society is more likely to appear. With their experiences and memories that they share with us, one will understand the life of a refugee.  This essay entails a qualitative approach where we conducted semi-structured interviews with Bosnian refugees. The theory we used to analyze the results is an integration model developed by Jose Alberto Diaz who studied integration in Sweden.  As a result, this study shows various factors that affect the individual ́s integration into the Swedish society. For example, the personal integration, housing integration, language skills, meaningful employment and livelihood, social contacts and the treatment of the authorities. These are some of the factors that affect the integration of immigrants.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Europe in the twentieth century witnessed the large-scale displacement and mass murder of civilian populations because of their ethnic or national identity. Genocide is the ultimate expression of this form of integral nationalism. As a result of the Second World War, the term "genocide" was introduced to describe the victimization of nations, and became codified in international law and agreements. The end of the century saw the introduction of a new term: "ethnic cleansing". This term was used to signify something less than the total physical annihilation of a people in the Balkans wars, in contrast to the extermination campaign of the Nazis in World War Two, or the Turks following World War One. This work looks at both campaigns, the Nazis against the Jews and the Serbs against the Bosnians, to argue, however, that ethnic cleansing is genocide. While much of the debate of the 1990s focuses on body counts to justify the distinction between the two, a careful analysis of the original work on genocide and the UN Agreement which outlaws such phenomenon reveal that this "body count" notion is neither correct nor justifiable. Similarly, a look at these two cases reveals act of genocide developed gradually, rather than as part of pre-existing master plans. / Major, United States Army

Cette thèse, en se fondant sur des exemples de la littérature et de la presse de la deuxième moitié du dix-neuvième siècle jusqu’à nos jours mais également sur la langue orale (standard et dialectale), porte sur l’étude des numéraux (ou noms de nombre) du serbo-croate (bosniaque, croate, monténégrin, serbe). Ces derniers forment en effet un groupe plutôt vaste et obéissent à des règles multiples, d’une rigueur souvent instable. De plus, les meilleures grammaires ne donnent que des indications restreintes, isolées, voire bien souvent en contradiction avec l’usage. De nombreuses questions restent alors sans réponse et ce travail tente par conséquent de rassembler les données qui permettent une identification ainsi qu’une caractérisation grammaticale et sémantique plus aisées desdits numéraux. Dans la première partie nous décrivons les différents types de noms de nombres et leurs caractéristiques grammaticales, ce qui nous amène entre autres à étudier l’épineux problème de la déclinaison des numéraux et à déduire les deux constructions numériques fondamentales du serbo-croate : la construction partitive et la construction concordante. La seconde partie présente d’abord l’analyse de la distribution réciproque entre les numéraux et les noms comptables, domaine où la norme est très floue et dans lequel la langue poursuit ses efforts pour introduire un peu de régularité et traite ensuite des accords des numéraux avec les autres éléments de la phrase quantifiante en abordant plus spécifiquement le problème des accords dits « doubles » (accord grammatical et/ou sémantique du prédicat verbal et des déterminants). / This thesis, based on examples of literature and press from the second half of the nineteenth century to the present but also on oral language (standard and dialectal), focuses on the study of the numerals (or names of numbers) in Serbo-Croatian (Bosnian, Croatian, Montenegrin, Serbian). The latter indeed form a rather vast group and obey multiple rules of an often unstable precision. Furthermore, the best grammars give only restricted and isolated information, very often in contradiction with the usage. Thus, numerous questions remain unanswered and this work tries consequently to gather the data which will allow both an easier identification and grammatical and semantic characterization of the aforementioned numerals. The first part thus describes the various types of names of numbers as well as their grammatical characteristics, which brings us, among other things, to study the thorny problem of the declension of the numerals and to deduct the two fundamental numeric constructions in Serbo – Croatian : the partitive construction and the congruent construction. The second part is at first dedicated to the analysis of the mutual distribution between the numerals and the countable nouns, a field where the norm is very vague and in which the language pursues its efforts to introduce a little bit of regularity, and then presents the agreements of the numerals with the other elements of the quantifying sentence by more specifically describing the problem of the so-called « double » agreements (grammatical and\or semantic agreement of the predicate and the determiners).