Die Geschichte der Mozart-Rezeption in Bulgarien ist untrennbar mit dem Entstehen einer professionellen Musikkultur europäischer Prägung verbunden. Dabei muß man sich vergegenwärtigen, daß Bulgarien bis 1878 unter türkischer Herrschaft wirtschaftlich und politisch auf feudalem Niveau existierte. Es lohnt sich, den Versuch zu unternehmen, ein Bild der damaligen gesellschaftspolitischen und kulturellen Prozesse zu entwerfen, um zu verstehen, wie die \"Europäisierung\" der Musizierpraxis in Bulgarien vonstatten ging.

This research represents a comparative analysis of the Bulgarian and Romanian European Integration in terms of corruption and media freedom. I argue that, however, both states have multiple common grounds to be analyzed together, as is done in the previous academic research, they take rather different paths after their accession in the European Union regarding their progress in fighting corruption and ensuring free media. I analyze why and how this happens through the theoretical lenses of Constructivism on the matters of identity formation, integration, and spread of values. I will present an overview of the IR academic discourse on the topic, then attempting to fill its lapses in the Analysis section. There, I utilize qualitative content analysis on official reports, issued by the European Commission within these 10 years framework of EU membership in order to investigate the research question. I am to interpret the information from these sources and present the four major aspects of the case, leading to the current situation.

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Following a series of terrorist attacks, online communities for men built around misogyny and resistance to feminist values – commonly known as the manosphere – have recently become subject of scholarly attention. In research, the manosphere is usually explored as a phenomenon in the Western world, often described as a backlash movement in countries where gender equality is most progressive. This thesis seeks to widen the geographical borders of manosphere research by exploring discursive articulations of tropes related to the international manosphere on an open-access Bulgarian online Q&A platform. By choosing this platform as a case study, this project aims to fill a knowledge gap by exploring whether discourses fundamental to international, largely English-language communities of the manosphere are found relevant on a mainstream online space in an Eastern European, Balkan country like Bulgaria, and what (if any) additional locally specific tropes emerge in this context. Drawing on a discourse-historical approach to critical discourse analysis informed by social identity theory, the study seeks to unpack how these tropes serve the practice of online social identity construction, with a focus on whether the social identities that emerge could be classified as potentially extremist. The research problem is approached both by analyzing discursive elements in a purposeful sample of user comments, and by keeping a focus on the affordances of the online platform as a space where these discourses are co-produced and disseminated.

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Research shows that Bulgaria is among the least LGBTQ+ friendly countries in the European Union, with members of the community facing discrimination, hostility, and violence both in their everyday lives and on a systemic level. The environment of suppression and stigma has also had an effect on the volume of local research into LGBTQ+ issues. This project’s goal is to fit into that research gap by providing a perspective on the problems faced by Bulgarian LGBTQ+ people and the plausible, practical solutions they would like to see or be part of on a local level. Participants focused on solutions that would create a space for queer community and expression, provide support and information where it is needed, and grow stronger community bonds. Some of those solutions were technological (such as an informational application and a community forum), others focused on interpersonal connection (such as an LGBTQ+ book club), and yet others on direct action (distributing counterpropaganda). / Forskning visar att Bulgarien är bland de minst hbtq-vänliga länderna i EU, med medlemmar av samhället som utsätts för diskriminering, fientlighet och våld både i sin vardag och på systemnivå. De miljö av förtryck och stigma har också haft en effekt på volymen av lokal forskning om HBTQ+-frågor. Detta projektets mål är att passa in i denna forskningsklyfta genom att ge ett perspektiv på problemen som bulgariska HBTQ+ står inför människor och de rimliga, praktiska lösningar de skulle vilja se eller vara en del av på lokal nivå. Deltagarna fokuserade på lösningar som skulle skapa ett utrymme för queergemenskap och uttryck, ge stöd och information där det behövs och stärka gemenskapsbanden. Några av dessa lösningar var tekniska (som en informativ ansökan och ett communityforum), andra fokuserade på interpersonell koppling (som en HBTQ +bokklubb), och ytterligare andra om direkta åtgärder (distribution av kontrapropaganda).

Cette thèse analyse les politiques à l’égard des minorités ethniques et religieuses sous une perspective comparative entre la Roumanie et la Bulgarie. La première partie s’interroge sur les politiques à l’égard des minorités dès la création des Etats-Nations et ensuite leur situation durant les régimes communistes dans les deux pays. La deuxième partie met l’accent sur l’analyse des deux modèles d’intégration des minorités après 1989 et étudie la question de l’émergence de la représentation politique des Turcs en Bulgarie, des Hongrois en Roumanie et des Roms dans les deux pays. La recherche étudie comment les politiques et les dispositifs sont destinés à favoriser l’intégration des groupes minoritaires dans les deux pays. Une attention est accordée à la genèse et à l’évolution, ainsi qu’à la mise en œuvre de ces projets d’action publique.Cette recherche est enrichie par l’analyse des entretiens semi directifs, des observations ainsi qu’une analyse des statistiques, de la presse nationale et locale, des dispositifs juridiques et des programmes des partis. Quatre hypothèses principales sont défendues dans cette thèse : la transformation des identités ethniques en identités politiques- l'idéologisation des politiques à l'égard de minorités- l'autonomisation du religieux par rapport à l'ethnique et, enfin, de l'impact indirect de l'européanisation sur le traitement des minorités. / This thesis analyzes the politics about national and religious minorities in a comparative perspective between Romania and Bulgaria. The first part examines the policies toward minorities since the creation of Nation-State and their situation during the communist regime in both countries. The second part focuses on the analysis of the two models of minorities’ integration after 1989 and examines the question of emergence of political representation of Turks in Bulgaria, Hungarians in Romania and Roma. The research studies how the policies and the devices are intended to facilitate the integration of the minority groups in both countries. An attention is granted to the genesis and to the evolution, as well as to the implementation of these projects of public action.This research analyzes semi directive conversations, observations as well an analysis of the statistics, the national and local press, the legal devices and the programs of the political parties.

The thesis addresses the puzzle of the differential integration of former communist states in the Euro-Atlantic community of nations between 1989 and 2000. Notwithstanding the predominant universalist-rationalist assumption that the adoption of an institutional-administrative blueprint for reform could lead to convergence between East and West, countries such as Poland, Bulgaria and Russia did not converge similarly (or at all) on the West European normative model and framework of international relations. To account for this divergence, the thesis examines the impact of the culturally-historically informed, Polish, Bulgarian and Russian identities and conceptions of 'Europe' (as opposed to the formal-institutional transition from one system to another) on the process of foreign policy transformation. The doctoral research employs Constructivism, Social Psychological insights and an interpretivist methodology, drawing on 75 elite interviews. The main argument states that differential Europeanisation can be understood on the basis of differentiated levels of inclusion and establishment of relations of mutual recognition and belongingness - substantiated by a differentiated extent of ideational affinity (i.e., normative compatibility), which are (re)enacted in the interactive, mutually constitutive process of identification between Self and Other (i.e., between Poland, Bulgaria and Russia and (Western) Europe). Three propositions of 'thick', 'ambivalent' and 'thin' Europeanisation are derived from the argument (whereby the comparative benchmark of Europeanisation is an ideal-typical model of European-ness). Key contributions focus on the development of a refined Constructivist theory and a systematic empirical comparison of Polish, Bulgarian and Russian foreign policy identities. Also, the study's conclusions reinvigorate and reconfirm the importance of the continuity (rather than just constant flux) of culturally-historically shaped patterns of group self-understandings and sub-regional identifications as well as Constructivism's greater plausibility in accounting for the research puzzle than (Neoclassical) Realism through the stipulation of a mutually constitutive relationship between international and domestic factors and between ideational and interest-based considerations.

Policy networks is a body of literature dedicated to modelling state-civil society relationship formats. In this particular relationship, an interest group with privileged (insider) access to the party in power gains advantage in the policy-making process by utilizing party’s ability to make political appointments in the civil service. The parentela (or type 1 parentela) was first discovered by Joseph La Palombara (1964) in 1960s Italy and was documented later again by Greer (1994) in 1920s-1970s Northern Ireland. Still, there has been no parentela research since 1994, save for Yishai (1992), who argued the parentela did not exist in Israel in 1980s. It seems the concept is considered of little utility to the academic community today. At the same time, as a category of policy networks, the parentela is also susceptible to the wider criticism of Thatcher (1997) and Dowding (1995; 2001) that the policy network literature is unable to introduce causal dynamics in its models and distinguish between network features and network independent variables. This study, therefore, addresses both criticisms by studying the party-group-civil service relationship in Bulgaria, for the period 2013-2015, using 26 elite interviews and a number of cases. Results show that this particular policy network is still viable today. They support Yishai (1992) that hegemonic parties have no effect on parentela formation. The study demonstrates that the cooperation between ruling parties, in need of funds, and organised businesses (groups), in need of market advantage, produces the parentela. In a case study on construction tenders, the study demonstrates La Palombara’s parentela, by exposing the process of how ruling parties intervene in the civil service through political appointees to ensure construction projects are granted to their party insider groups. The study also discovers a new parentela dynamic, labelled as type 2 parentela, where the party intervention extends further to the free market by affecting party insider’s market competitors through prejudiced regulatory inspections that disrupt targeted businesses’ operations temporarily or altogether.