Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Department of Anthropology and Department of East Asian Languages and Civilizations, March 2000. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2004. / Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Aug. 7, 2005). Accompanying CD-ROM in print version lacking in electronic version. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 305-324).

Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Queensland, 2005. / Includes bibliography.

This study examines George Orwell's contribution to our understanding of imperialism and to political writing in general. The basic assumptions of the study are that for a creative writer plot performs essentially the same function as model-building does for the political scientist and the role of the imagination is paramount both in the drawing of a novelist's picture of environment and in a social scientist's selection of variables. To show how a creative writer can offer the student of politics an unusual perspective of various systems of government (in this case, imperialism), the study draws upon concrete examples from Orwell's novel Burmese Days and other of his related writings to illustrate a number of political science's theoretical concepts. The study is also concerned with showing how Orwell was a pacesetter, as it were, in rejecting jargon as a means of expression and instead pressing vigorously, particularly in his description of imperialism in Burmese Days, for a straightforward yet imaginative prose in describing political as well as other events. The study assumes that Orwell's plea is echoed in a succeeding generation by others such as Landau and asserts that Burmese Days has either rendered many of imperialism's more harmful clichés impotent or has at least exposed them to closer scrutiny. At the same time, despite Orwell's often vehement denunciation of imperialism, it is assumed that there is implicit in the dialogue of some of his characters a recognition that while the system of uninvited foreigners exploiting and governing another people's country may be morally repugnant, in the light of an all-embracing and privacy-invading industrialism British imperialism may have been the least offensive kind of such exploitation. The study argues that our understanding of the motivations for group behaviour may, in some cases such as imperialism, be best pursued through more intensive studies of individuals within the group rather than by investing all of our attention in observing the collective action of the group. The study has evolved not from the notion that a creative writer can ever replace the perhaps more disciplined approach of the social sciences in understanding our world, but that he can significantly aid the academic world in illustrating its theoretical concepts. Finally, it is the overriding conclusion of this study that the moderately experimental nature of its juxtaposition of social science theory and fiction is mutually beneficial to both the social scientist and the student of literature in offering them new perspectives in their respective fields of interest. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

Les particules dites énonciatives sont d’ordinaire étudiées dans les langues à forte contrainte morpho-syntaxique, et il en résulte qu’elles paraissent sortir des cadres descriptifs qui ne mettent pas toujours en lumière les fonctions énonciatives. Nous les étudions en birman, une langue dont on dit, un peu vite, qu’elle a « peu de grammaire », et pour laquelle nous ne pouvons utiliser des théories qui conviennent pour les langues Indo-Européennes. Nous devons, en revanche, tenir compte des caractéristiques propres au birman, langue dans laquelle les particules énonciatives jouent un rôle considérable. Nous devons également préciser leur statut, tant au niveau grammatical que discursif. Notre but est d’examiner l’emploi d’une gamme choisie de ces particules, d’observer si leurs caractéristiques permettent de les ordonner du discursif au grammatical, et de faire apparaître les possibilités énonciatives de la langue birmane.Pour réaliser cette étude, nous utilisons un corpus assez vaste (de plus de 250 000 mot-syllabes), qui parcourt un champ de situations étendu (dialogues spontanés ou simulés et narrations) afin d’identifier plusieurs domaines importants pour une sociolinguistique du birman.Il s’agit donc d’une thèse qui traite de linguistique tibéto-birmane et du birman en particulier, surtout dans sa forme orale actuelle ; de linguistique de corpus ; et d’analyse énonciative. / Lexical items known as discourse particles (« particules énonciatives ») are mostly studied in languages with a strong morpho-syntactic constraint, and as a result they do not seem to fit the descriptive frameworks that do not always highlight their discourse functions. We investigate such functions in Burmese, a language that is sometimes laboured, a little too fast, as a language « with little grammar », for which it is not suitable to describe using the notions of the grammar of Indo-European languages. It is indispensable to take into account characteristics that are particular to Burmese, such as the significant role played by the discourse particles. It is important to identify their status in the language use, at syntactic as well as discourse levels. Our objective is to examine the use of a selected range of particles, in order to identify the relationship between grammar and discourse functions, and more precisely, to bring out their discourse functions in Burmese.This study, using a large corpus (over 250 000 word-syllables) of spoken discourse, consisting of different genres and by different speakers, tempts to identify sociolinguistic aspects of Burmese. This thesis is therefore a study of Tibeto-Burman linguistics, with a focus on Burmese in its spoken form, corpus linguistics, and discourse analysis.

中共政權自成立以來，便一直支持緬甸共產黨，企圖以武裝革命手段顛覆緬甸政府，因此在研究中共與緬甸關係時，常認為中共在緬甸進行革命輸出。不過，中共對外政策絕不僅限於意識型態的功能運作而已，其外交作為現實主義的成份要大於意識型態。中共外交政策的現實性可由中共在與蘇聯關係惡化後，擴大解釋和平共處五原則的適用範圍看出。這套原則原先是強調處理不同社會制度國家間的關係，不過中共於一九五六年十一月一日宣稱，「社會主義國家的相互關係更應該建立在和平共處五項原則的基礎上。」自一九六九年，中蘇共爆發嚴重邊界衝突後，一直到一九八○年代中期，蘇聯成為中共最主要的敵人及國家安全的威脅來源。至此中共不僅要拉攏非共國家，同時也要維持與其他共黨國家之關係，以突破美蘇雙重包圍。擴大和平共處五原則之適用範圍是理所當然的了。在此國際背景之下，中共與緬甸的關係是以外交考量為主，其他影響彼此關係之因素如經貿往來、緬共及華僑問題事實上也都以外交為主軸。中（共）緬雙方之所以如此重視彼此外交關係，實有其不得不然之苦衷。就緬甸而言，緬甸很早就已認為北方中國是緬甸最大威脅，為求生存，緬甸選擇中立主義。就中共而言，無論在地緣上或政治上緬甸都具有特殊之地位，使中共不得不容忍緬甸之中立主義外交政策。因此，中共運用兩手策略，一面以利誘，一面施以壓力，促使緬甸維持其中立外交政策，進而將緬甸納入其勢力範圍。總而言之，中共與緬甸自一九五○年至一九九○年四十年間，雙方之所以能維持和平關係，彼此相安無事，乃緬甸運用中立主義，及中共採取務實而理性的策略等因素，產生微妙的平衡的結果。

This thesis includes the narratives of three Burmese Muslim refugee mothers who made their homes in Logan, Utah, within three years of locating in the United States. Each woman’s life is written about in a different style of writing – journalism, ethnography and creative nonfiction –and is then followed by analysis looking at each piece in terms of representation

Burmese migrant workers leave Myanmar and come to Thailand because of the ongoing economic and political discrimination at home. Drawn to the greater work opportunities available in Thailand, these migrant workers are actively working and looking for jobs in Thailand’s menial job sectors such as agriculture, domestic work, fisheries, construction and manufacturing. They suffer from low-paid, difficult and dangerous work conditions which are largely unprotected by labor laws. Taking into account Thailand’s new minimum wage, the Thai economy’s labor shortage problem and the coming of the ASEAN Economic Community in 2015, the Thai government should coordinate the efforts of its own various agencies, employers, migrant associations, civil society, the Thai public, ASEAN and the international community to improve Burmese migrant workers’ rights. Beyond the process of clarifying the rights of migrants in the workplace to Thai employers and labor unions, as well as enforcing existing laws, the Thai government should provide migrants with health care services, education, and the option of citizenship, so that the migrants can live a quality life in their adopted country.

Background: Good knowledge, attitudes and practices (KAP) of HIV prevention are essential in order not to acquire HIV infection and to prevent the disease from spreading. A proper and well functioning prevention of HIV requires clear and relevant information and instructions from health care givers. Aim: The purpose of this study was to investigate the knowledge, attitudes and practices concerning HIV prevention among Burmese migrant workers in Thailand and compare these between genders. Method: A descriptive and comparative cross-section design with a quantitative method was used. The Health belief model was provided as theoretical framework. The data was collected at two fish industries and at the health clinics of these industries in the Samut Sakorn Province, Thailand. Eighty migrant workers participated by answering a questionnaire about KAP of HIV prevention. Results: Most of the Burmese migrant workers had heard of HIV/AIDS, and overall women had better knowledge than men. Less than 50% of the men reported they had ever received information on HIV. There were significant differences between genders in several statements concerning knowledge, attitudes and practices. Conclusions: The male and female Burmese migrant workers had different knowledge, attitudes and practice of HIV prevention. Health care professionals should consider gender and culture when providing intervention programs to migrant workers. / Bakgrund: Goda kunskaper, attityder och utövande (KAP) av HIV prevention är av stor vikt för att ej smittas av HIV och för att förhindra att sjukdomen sprids. En korrekt och välfungerande prevention av HIV kräver tydlig och relevant information och instruktioner från hälso- och sjukvården. Syfte: Syftet med denna studie var att undersöka kunskap, attityder och utövande av HIV prevention bland invandrade burmesiska arbetare I Thailand, och jämföra dessa mellan kön. Metod: En beskrivande och jämförande tvärsnittsdesign med kvantitativ metod har använts. The Health belief model användes som teoretiskt ramverk. Data samlades in vid två fiskeindustrierna och deras hälsoklinik i Samut Sakorn provinsen, Bangkok, Thailand. Åttio invandrade arbetare deltog genom att besvara ett frågeformulär om KAP av HIV prevention. Resultat: De flesta invandrade burmesiska arbetarna hade hört talas om HIV/AIDS, och generellt hade kvinnorna bättre kunskap än männen. Mindre än 50% av männen rapporterade att det någonsin hade fått information om HIV. Det var en signifikant skillnad mellan könen i flera av påståendena om kunskap, attityder och utövande.  Slutsats: De manliga och kvinnliga invandrade burmesiska arbetarna hade olika kunskaper, attityder och utövande av HIV prevention. Hälso- och sjukvårdspersonalen bör överväga genus och kultur vid tillhandahållande av interventionsprogram för invandrade arbetare.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 1995. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [364]-389).