中国的私营企业主支持民主吗？此研究发现整体上他们拥有民主价值观念，但是他们认为民主在中国不可行，所以他们选择维持现状。通过分析一份全国性问卷调查数据，本文指出中国的私营企业主比其他的中产阶级和劳动阶层更加可能支持民主价值观念，在控制了相关的政治性，区域性和基本的个人特征的影响之后，这样的差异依然存在。用结构化方程模型分析一份针对 2071 位私营企业主的问卷调查数据进一步表明私营企业主的民主价值观念并不受他们与政府的政治联系的影响。和政府有各种联系的私营企业主并没有比其他企业主更加保守。然而通过与他们的深度访谈，文章发现拥有民主价值观念的私营企业家同时也支持政府。他们认为民主在中国并不可行，至少在目前这个阶段。因此，他们倾向于选择维持现状。 / Do private entrepreneurs in China support democracy? This study shows that in general, private entrepreneurs find democracy desirable, but their concern with the feasibility of democracy predisposes them toward maintaining the status quo. Drawing on a national survey, this research indicates that Chinese private entrepreneurs are more likely to have democratic values than the non-entrepreneurial middle class and working class, controlling the effects of relevant political, regional and demographic factors. An analysis of a survey data on 2071 private entrepreneurs further shows that politically embedded entrepreneurs are not significantly less likely to endorse democratic values than non-politically embedded entrepreneurs. In-depth interviews suggest that private entrepreneurs who have democratic values tend to argue that democracy is infeasible in China, at least in the near future. In real life, they adopt a pro-government stance in their economic, social and political activities. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Jin, Shuai. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 48-51). / Abstracts also in Chinese.

published_or_final_version / Business / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

In 1992, Ross Perot, billionaire entrepreneur from Texas, headed the most powerful independent presidential candidacy of the twentieth century, garnering nearly 19 percent of the popular vote. Perot's rhetoric demanded fundamental reform through a seemingly contradictory message calling for both individual responsibility and collective patriotism and sacrifice: corporate populism, a traditional, albeit profoundly paradoxical ideological appeal. Perot spoke of rekindling the "American Dream" for the next generation, whose prospects appeared bleak because of a post-Cold War credit crisis and withering of the United States' industrial base. He saw linkages between this crisis and a host of social problems, and advocated controversial solutions that made coalition-building difficult. Perot looked to his followers to develop consensuses on many issues of the day. Heading a "grassroots" movement organized from the top down, with disciples from all points on the ideological compass, however, Perot found consensus a rare commodity. As a result, his campaign lacked cohesion. Perot's methods, personality, and wealth raised disturbing questions about the future of representative democracy, but his unfolding campaign also highlighted shortcomings in American electoral institutions and processes. Perot's treatment by the press, for example, provides a case study of the mass-production of political portraits and the impact of those images. That so many citizens voted for a man often portrayed as a suspicious, morally rigid, unscrupulous, vengeful demagogue indicates how widely disaffection with American political institutions had spread. Tapping this discontent, Perot created the potential for a new kind of politics in the United States. He catalyzed discourse on policy issues like foreign trade, welfare reform, military policy, and Executive branch responsibility. He focused attention on chronic problems like the national debt, the annual budget deficit, and the insolvency of "entitlement" programs like Social Security and Medicare. His presence seems to have provoked an unusually high turnout on election day. He helped pioneer a new era of direct dialog between candidates and citizens through the use of interactive and electronic media. Finally, Perot's candidacy symbolizes the emergence of a new centrist political movement--a force which in 1994 began to dramatically reshape the American political landscape.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T13:53:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 EMILIA CRISTINE PIRES.pdf: 1484822 bytes, checksum: 6d467e2fa4c59e6314bfec257ad76adb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-10 / This study sought to unveil the Movement Todos Pela Educação and analyze its consequences in the educational policy of the state of Goiás. Therefore, many questions emerged in the initial process of the investigation, which were: how and by whom the TPE has been thought? In which theoretical assumptions the founders of TPE were based the preparation of its goals? As the TPE shall constitute an educational public policy in the state of Goiás? To what extent the discourse defended by TPE advocates gained hegemony in the country and specifically in Goiás? The analysis of this research was marked by an approach to the Materialistic and Dialectical Method History and the categories and theoretical Antonio Gramsci. This approach to the materialist method Historical and Dialectical sought to seize the whole, that is, mediations and transformations of objective reality in a particular historical period and determined where the TPE is inserted.The TPE expresses the ideas and values of the hegemonic class based on the ideals of neoliberalism and the Third Way that aims education for consensus on the way of democracy, citizenship, ethics and social participation consistent with the private interests of big business. / Este estudo busca desvelar o Movimento Todos Pela Educação (TPE) e analisar seus desdobramentos na política educacional do estado de Goiás. Para tanto, vários questionamentos emergiram no processo inicial da investigação: como e por quem o TPE foi pensado? Em que pressupostos teóricos os fundadores do TPE se basearam para a elaboração de suas metas? Como o TPE passa a constituir-se em política pública de educação no estado de Goiás? Em que medida o discurso defendido pelos defensores do TPE ganhou hegemonia no país e, de forma específica, em Goiás?A análise desta pesquisa pautou-se por uma aproximação ao Método Materialista Histórico e Dialético e pelas categorias e referencial teórico de Antonio Gramsci. A aproximação com o Método Materialista Histórico e Dialético buscou apreender a totalidade, isto é, as mediações e as transformações da realidade objetiva, num período histórico concreto e determinado no qual o TPE está inserido. O TPE expressa as ideias e os valores da classe hegemônica, baseados nos ideais do neoliberalismo e da Terceira Via, que objetivam uma educação para o consenso sobre os sentidos de democracia, cidadania, ética e participação social condizentes com os interesses privados do grande capital.

La mondialisation rend plus faciles les échanges entre personnes venant de cultures et d’origines différentes. S’intéressant à la vie des étrangers en Chine, notre étude porte sur la population africaine installée à Yiwu, ville qui accueille la deuxième plus grande communauté africaine en Chine, après Guangzhou. Cette thèse s’interroge sur la source de l’attractivité de Yiwu et sur sa capacité d’intégration. Pour apporter des éléments de réponse, nous avons recueilli entre 2015 et 2016, sous forme de questionnaires et d’entretiens, les témoignages de 81 commerçants étrangers, dont 32 d’origine africaine. L’enquête révèle que la majorité de la population analysée a été attirée par les avantages commerciaux que la ville propose. Le commerce est donc la motivation et le centre d’intérêt de cette communauté, dont les membres, une fois installés, s’efforcent de s’intégrer à la vie commerciale. Néanmoins, leur effort se limite pour l’essentiel à la vie professionnelle. D’une part, le gouvernement local de Yiwu n’est pas totalement ouvert à la population étrangère. Il existe de nombreuses restrictions, qui font obstacle à une intégration complète. D’autre part, les grandes différences culturelles et religieuses forment une barrière spontanée et profonde, presque impossible à dépasser. Ainsi, les commerçants africains fréquentent bien plus leurs compatriotes que leurs partenaires commerciaux chinois. Ils restent principalement au sein de leur communauté dans la vie quotidienne et sociale. Même s’il leur arrive de fréquenter des Chinois en dehors du commerce, cette fréquentation est souvent utilitariste et peu affective. La vraie intégration est donc un état idéal qui demande encore beaucoup d’investissement, si elle est réellement possible. / Globalization makes immigration a lot easier and more efficient among people coming from different backgrounds and cultures. Interested in the lives of foreigners in China, we turned our attention to the African community in Yiwu. Why do these people come to Yiwu and more importantly, how do they adapt themselves to a society which is very different from their own? This thesis tries to find the origins of the city’s attractiveness and if it is immigrant-friendly. Numerous field trips have been made between 2015 and 2016, 81 international businessmen have been interviewed, 32 coming from Africa, with interviews as well as questionnaires. This population is mainly attracted by the commercial advantages of the city. These people are strongly focused on commercial activities, which is their most important immigration motivation. Once settled, they actively try to integrate into local society, as well as to devote themselves successfully to their commercial activities. However, these efforts are strictly limited in their professional life. On the one hand, the governments, both local and central, are not fully welcoming to foreign residents. Multiple administrative restrictions have been observed which prevent them from a better adaptation. On the other hand, important cultural and religious differences between the Africans and the local population create a spontaneous barrier which is practically impossible to exceed. Because of that, African businessmen tend to associate more with people from the same region and avoid the locals when seeking for a deeper connection. They usually stay within their own community in daily and social life. Even if outside-of-work exchanges exist, they are generally a way to enhance the business and therefore not efficient enough in terms of understanding and communication. In other words, real integration is rather an ideal state which still needs a lot of devotions, if it is possible at all.

The purpose of this thesis was to examine the relationship among intercultural communication competence, attitudes toward the U.S. culture, and linguistic skills in English for Japanese business sojourners and their spouses living in the United States.

This research offers a reading of the considerable change to the landscapes of cities, masculinities and bodies that occurred after the Second World War. With an emphasis on visual sources and methods, I consider how a distinctly modern post-war identity emerged out of the interaction between Hamilton's newly (re)built cityscape, human bodies and their gendered identities. In the 1960s, rapid urban growth in Hamilton produced a large number of buildings designed in the Modernist style. This concrete language rendered public structures, and the city at large, as distinctly 'Modern' and progressive. The existence of these buildings was essential to Hamilton's transition from a rural town to an urban centre. Meanwhile, the 1964 Centennial served as a convenient narrative of progress to (re)create the city as Modern while remaining youthful and vibrant. Images of the past and the future were regularly and publicly invoked. Colonial Pioneers and Men from the Future were rhetorically exhumed and conceived in order to (re)construct Hamilton. Material and discursive spaces of the cityscape were inhabited by images of a 'citified' Modern Man: the fabled Businessman and his derivatives. Images of masculine bodies offer an insight into constructions of gendered identity. Their 'suited' and impervious bodily boundaries reflect the rigid confines of 1960s masculinities and the firm geometric designs of Modernist buildings. Analysis of advertisements and photographs reveal bodily performances that maintain this identity while establishing an urban and masculine corporeality. A number of 'other' identities were excluded by dominant urban masculinity and offer areas for future research.

Graduation date: 1993

Thesis (M.A.)--University of New Brunswick, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references.

The South African government is faced with tremendous pressure to address the high unemployment and poverty rate in the country. One of the strategies that have been adopted by the government for job creation is promoting start-up of new small businesses and supporting the existing small businesses to ensure their sustainability. Small businesses are perceived as an instrument for job creation and will contribute to the economic growth and development of the country. Due to a high failure rate of small businesses in the business sector it was necessary to carryout this study, to explore and understand all the key factors that affect the growth of small businesses with the objective of analysing findings and providing possible recommendations. This research study used data extracted from eThekwini electricity and PMB municipality electrical contractors' databases. A survey was conducted on a sample of small black electrical contractors in the vicinity of Durban and Pietermaritzburg areas, with the use of questionnaires. The quantitative data was captured and analyzed using the statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS). The study was able to identify problems or challenges encountered by small black electrical contractors. According to the survey the root cause of failure to acquire finance by small businesses was that they lack skills drafting and providing financial plans, financial statements, financial projections and the required collaterals and securities. The results received from the questionnaire survey were presented and analyzed. The analysis included an examination of the overall profile of the sample and a determination of whether or not there was any significant lack of transparency. It looked at participation aspects of small black electrical contractors, which account for differences in responses to the questionnaires. The study recommended that Government should provide a legal framework with a specified focus on regulating the extent South African Revenues Services (SARS) practises its powers on small businesses. Instead of closing down the small business that fails to pay tax in time, SARS should provide assistance to ensure the sustainability of those small businesses. SARS' penalties and interest on tax owed should be reduced and there should be a limit on accumulating interests and penal ties, or small business may fail to ever settle debt. / Thesis (M.B.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2006.