The purpose of this thesis is to examine the activity of the Gulen community in the Central Asian republics through different perspectives with a focus on the activities in the educational realm. My main concern in this thesis is to find out what role Islam and Turkishness plays in the educational activities of the Gulen community in the region. Throughout the thesis first I focus on Fethullah Gulen as the leader of the community followed by an analysis of the community in general &ndash / its origin, framework, goals and educational activity in various parts of the world. Then I examine the educational activity of the community in each of the Central Asian republics. And finally I explore various approaches regarding the community&rsquo / s goals in Central Asia with a focus on the role that Islam and Turkishness play in such activities.

East Turkestan is a geographical term and refers to Xinjiang in China. East Turkestan independence movement aims to unite the races that speak Turkestan and believe in Islam and establish a political and religious East Turkestan republic. Since 1990, East Turkestan independence movement groups have launched all kinds of violent activities in and out of Xinjiang, seriously threatening Xinjiang¡¦s social stability and Chinese Communist government. As terrorism has spread around the world since 9-11 Event, Chinese Communist government has regarded East Turkestan independence movement as a term for terrorism. Through participating in the International Anti-terrorism league, Chinese Communist government suggests East Turkestan independence movement as a target for anti-terrorism. Meanwhile, international terrorism has not been ended by the International Anti-terrorism league led by the USA, and instead terrorism has continued to spread around the world. Since 9-11 Event, anti-terrorism has become an important mission for China due to its territory completeness and national security. China carries out anti-terrorism campaign due to its national interests in a domestic political sense as well as its national interests in an international political sense, such as interests of politics, security, economics, diplomacy, and so on. In order to cope with domestic and international anti- terrorism situations, China not only takes measures in policy, law, military, diplomatic cooperation and Olympic Games, but also dominantly establishes Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) , aggressively participating in international counter-terrorism ,having an equivalent position with Russia and USA in central Asia, creating a subtle relationship of cooperation and competiveness with these two superpowers in the aspects of counter-terrorism.

1991年蘇聯解體後，位於中亞地區的蘇聯加盟共和國，出現了五個新興國家—吉爾吉斯斯坦、烏茲別克、塔吉克斯坦、土庫曼斯坦和哈薩克斯坦。自獨立以來，此中亞五國致力成為政治、經濟完全獨立的民族國家，其間歷經一番艱辛的奮鬥，且成就了一些可見的成效，但因為地理、文化、經濟等錯綜複雜的因素，使得中亞五國至今仍有許多尚待解決的問題，其中「民族議題」就是一個難以迴避的問題。 中亞五國地處東、西方文化交界的匯集點，歷史上，東方與西方文化的接觸；中國、印度、波斯、羅馬、希臘等國的勢力；北游牧、南農耕的經濟型態都在這裡交匯著。不同的文化、不同的生活形態、不同的宗教傳播，構成了此地政治狀況的複雜原因，由於中亞民族的歷史進程，便是這數千年來川流不息的民族遷徙、五彩斑斕的民族交融，以及金戈鐵馬的民族衝突背景中發生，也因此埋下了此地動盪的因素。 中亞位於歐亞大陸腹地，在漫長的歷史長河中，以其聞名遐邇的古代絲綢之路文化而享譽世界。在這片多元文化並存的沃土上，世居著眾多來自不同地區、種族的民族。長期以來，他們世代繁衍生息，共同開發著這片熱土。經過無數次血與火的洗禮，最終形成了以哈薩克族、烏茲別克族、吉爾吉斯族、塔吉克族、土庫曼族等為主體的不同民族的穩定共同體。 西元8世紀以後，中亞發生了突厥文化及伊斯蘭文化的接觸而進一步產生了文化整合。一直到19世紀中期，若干汗國以突厥伊斯蘭文化的集合因素下控制整個中亞地區；歷史上，汗國的建立是以對蘇丹忠心及尊重伊斯蘭教之各種規範為基礎組成的，而不是民族情感。這與後來進入中亞的蘇聯勢力所採取的以民族原理作為劃分和定國界的依據方式，有很大的差異。 19世紀50至70年代，俄羅斯帝國政府相繼以武力征服了各汗國，致使哈薩克、烏茲別克、吉爾吉斯、塔吉克、土庫曼、卡拉卡爾派克等民族陷入殖民統治。此後，俄羅斯逐漸入主中亞，中亞社會的歷史發展進程中就多了一種俄羅斯文化及其引導的社會力量因素。直至1991年蘇聯解體前，這種俄羅斯文化和社會力量因素一直在不斷地加強和深化。 俄羅斯帝國兼併以後，中亞國家還歷經了加盟蘇聯及蘇聯解體兩個不同的階段，產生了不同於以往的衝突模式。尤其在莫斯科主導力量消退後的中亞五國，其民族衝突與宗教原教旨主義威脅更為嚴重；而該地區藴藏豐富的石油天然氣，更吸引各方勢力的介入，使得在原本內部矛盾問題外，也潛在國際衝突的危機。 莫斯科勢力消退後，中亞五國本身的力量尚未足夠強大，整個地區形成權力空窗期，因此「美」、「中」等國極欲將其勢力注入中亞地區，使得原本在蘇聯時代的「南部屏障」和「戰略緩衝帶」，隨著裏海大陸棚發現大量的天然氣和石油，除了戰略上的價值以外，也產生了極大的經濟價值，因此導致外力的介入。 蘇聯解體後，其加盟共和國的經濟、政治紛紛擾擾，其蘇聯境內各地爆發了民族衝突，使得西方學者驚訝地提出民族主義與原教旨主義的復活看法。 中亞局勢未來的演變，對鄰近區域乃至國際局勢，都將帶來重大的影響；就中共而言，中亞與新疆維吾爾自治區有著3000多公里的共同邊界，還有許多人口眾多、宗教信仰相同的跨界民族，因此中亞地區成為影響中國西部疆域穩定的直接因素。再者，中共一直認為新疆為容易受外國反華勢力與「雙泛主義」─泛突厥主義、泛伊斯蘭主義—所影響的地區，在中亞五國獨立後，當地的維吾爾族分離主義份子，積極運用各種方式進行新疆獨立運動。 中亞五國的民族主義表現出何種特色？這些特色的起源來自何處？中亞在未來是否會如南斯拉夫一樣產生族群衝突？因此筆者試圖，從歷史與現實的結合上，論述中亞五國的民族構成、民族問題的主要表現形式、內容及成因，同時對中亞五國所產生的民族問題作討論和研究；並分析獨立後中亞國家民族理論的轉變和民族政策的調整。 中亞地區有五個國家，各有其獨立的發展歷史，但是烏茲別克民族的形成歷史和其他中亞民族與國家的出現息息相關，因此筆者選擇烏茲別克為案例進行分析。

The search for new identity factors and shared values in the post-Soviet region has given rise to a process of reevaluation of the role of religion in society. Not least the Central Asian countries are struggling with these issues in their nation building processes. They share important parts of their history with other Muslim dominated nations, but the Soviet heritage sets them apart. The focus of this study lies on the way religion as a general concept and Islam in particular are treated in four textbooks used in Kazakhstan’s school education. The contents of the textbooks are analyzed within a historical and societal context as well as a framework of contemporary secularity theory. The results elucidate a contrast between the discourse on religion found in the textbooks and the official legal status of religion in Kazakhstan today, which is taken as an indication of an ongoing reevaluation of religion leading away from the staunch Soviet secularity and possibly towards a situation where religion is seen as a natural part of societal developments. At the same time, however, the normative effect of official discourse is a double-edged sword, which, while shaping ideas of what religion is and ought to be, may also undermine the credibility and authority of a religion too closely associated with political authority.

The September 11 Event has turned Central Asia into a complex geo-strategic position, creating a status of new balance of power. At the same time, great powers also have tried to dominate the region by establishing diplomatic relationships with the Central Asian states, which is highly challenged to China’s traditional interests and strategic calculations in Central Asia. While China continues to play a crucial role in terms of its intention and approach toward future Central Asia development, the other two great powers, Russia and the United States, will certainly exert influence in this region as well. Especially, the U.S.-led War on Terrorism has immediately changed the original strategic landscape of Central Asia, compressing China’s strategic space created since post-Cold War. Consequently, China has taken flexible foreign policies in response to U.S. containment. Also, China and Russia have formed a strategic partnership to balance U.S. influence. Therefore, China’s strategic considerations of Central Asian states are based on four aspects as follows: (1) Xinjiang independence issue; (2) maintaining stability of its western borders; (3) energy need; and (4) the balance of power in Central Asia. With well management of Shanghai Corporation Organization (SCO) as a platform, China has successfully maneuvered its strategic calculations in Central Asia, creating a truly multi-polar world system best served to its national development in the long run.

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The European Union is stated that promoting human rights, rule of law and democracy is one of the main objectives of the EU foreign policy. It was endorsed in the EU official document such as European Consensus on Development (2005) and also EU Strategy towards Central Asia. The thesis analyses the promotion of the EU value towards Central Asian countries, namely: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan Because of the isolation of the Turkmenistan, it was impossible to include the country in the research paper. In order to analyze the promotion level, it was decided to scrutinize the EU instruments such as EIDHR, human rights dialogue and civil society seminars. The European Union adopted the Strategy towards Central Asian countries in 2007 and this document expands the relation between European Union and Central Asia. Therefore, the thesis analyses the corporation of the both sides before and after the adaptation of the Strategy. Issues of cooperation in terms of the human rights and rule of law between the European Union and Kazakhstan are analyzed as a case study. At the conclusion, the promotion of the values assessed and the conclusion outlined for the corporation in the field of human rights and the rule of law between European Union and Central Asian countries. / Europos Sąjunga pabrėžia, jog žmogaus teisių, teisės viršenybės ir demokratijos rėmimas yra vienas iš pagrindinių ES užsienio politikos tikslų. Šis tikslas yra įtvirtintas oficialiuose ES dokumentuose, tokiuose kaip Europos Vystymosi Konsensusas (2005) bei Europos Centrinės Azijos strategija. Šiame darbe analizuojamas ES vertybių sklaidos rėmimas Centrinės Azijos šalyse – Kazachstane, Kirgizijoje, Tadžikistane ir Uzbekistane. Turkmėnijos atvejo, dėl šalies izoliacijos, į tyrimą įtraukti nebuvo įmanoma. Siekiant nustatyti ES vertybių sklaidos rėmimo lygį darbe nuspręsta nagrinėti ES instrumentus, tokius kaip EIDHR, žmogaus teisių dialogas bei pilietinės visuomenės seminarai. Europos Sąjunga patvirtino Centrinės Azijos Strategiją 2007m. Šiuo dokumentu buvo išplėtoti santykiai tarp Europos Sąjungos ir Centrinės Azijos. Dėl šios priežasties darbe analizuojamas abiejų pusių bendradarbiavimas prieš ir po Strategijos patvirtinimo. Problemos žmogaus teisių ir teisės viršenybės užtikrinimo srityje tarp ES ir Kazachstano yra analizuojamos kaip atvejo studija. Darbo pabaigoje pateikiamas ES vertybių sklaidos rėmimo įvertinimas bei pateikiamos perspektyvos Europos Sąjungos ir Centrinės Azijos šalių bendradarbiavimui žmogaus teisių ir teisės viršenybės srityse.

This thesis analyzes the U.S. foreign policy in Central Asia from 1991 until 2003. The U.S. has been involved in the process of democratization and economic reforms in the Central Asian countries since the collapse of the Soviet Union. However, prior to September 11, 2001 events, the U.S. policies toward the five newly independent states, had not been as assertive as in the aftermath of the tragic events. The thesis will argue that the U.S. foreign policy toward Central Asia has steadily developed over time due to geopolitical and geo-economic factors. The U.S. policy culminated in the new strategic cooperation between the U.S. and the Central Asian states on the issue of terrorism. The thesis will demonstrate how the U.S. moved away from being almost a benign observer in the mid-1990s, to an assertive state interested in exercising its influence in the region after 2000.

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, there has been much concern among observers and analysts around the world over what role Islam is to play in the political, economic and social spheres of life in newly independent Central Asian states. Traditionally, Islam is the dominant faith, but had been strongly influenced by the Soviet atheist ideology during the last seven decades before Central Asia became independent in 1991. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, some observers in the West depicted Central Asia as an extension of the Middle East, invoking fears that Islamic fundamentalism was to pose a serious threat to the stability in the region of Central Asia. In this thesis I analyzed the dynamism of Islamic revival in Central Asia&rsquo / s two post-Soviet states of Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan through the prism of the imported phenomenon of &lsquo / Islamic fundamentalism&rsquo / . The thesis demonstrates that Islam in Central Asia is a natural process determined primarily by internal socio-economic and political conditions and not influenced by outside forces. In order to support this argument, I approached the problem by analyzing both external factors and internal conditions. The concluding argument is that even if Islam is to be radicalized it will be because of internal factors, such as authoritarianism, violation of human rights and repression of moderate manifestations of Islam from within, rather than because of the influence of Islamic fundamentalist forces from abroad.

The aim of this thesis is to examine the changing characteristics of the regional security complex in Central Asia. The thesis focuses on the changes in the roles that the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) plays in promoting regional security in Central Asia, especially since the formation of the international coalition against international terrorism in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001. Contrary to the mainstream literature that focuses mainly on the security concerns of either regional powers or of great powers that considered this region as their own sphere of influence, this thesis argues that Central Asia&rsquo / s security issues that emerged in the aftermath of 9/11 could be explained better by taking the emerging regional security complex in Central Asia as the main unit of analysis. The thesis consists of seven chapters: In Chapter 1, thesis is introduced. Chapter 2 develops a conceptual framework for the thesis by examining the nature of regional security complex theory. This is followed by the examination of the characteristics of regional security complex in Central Asia in Chapter 3. Next, Chapter 4 discusses the foreign policies of the United States, Russia and China towards Central Asia. Chapters 5 and 6 examine the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, its role in the struggle against international terrorism and their reflections on the changes of the characteristics of Central Asian regional security complex. Last chapter concludes the thesis.