Undersökningen syftar att förstå hur två av Coca-Colas reklamfilmer, TheMorning After och Handbag, hanterar och kodar genus genom en radiscensättnings-principer och genrekonventioner. Detta studeras genom enkvalitativ bildanalys där materialet bryts ned och jämförs sinsemellan. Teorierkring representation, genus, genrekonventioner och iscensättnings-principerpresenteras och används för att ta sig an och analysera materialet. Uppsatsenresulterade i insikter i hur genrekonventioner i kombination med miljömässigaaspekter som ljussättning, färgval och hantering av rekvisita används för attkoda filmerna efter stereotypiska könsmönster. Resultatet lägger grund till ettförhållningssätt för kreatörer verksamma inom visuella medium gällande hurreklam kodas efter genus och effekterna av detta, men öppnar också upp förframtida undersökningar om hur detta kan genomföras i praktiken. / The purpose of this thesis is to understand how two of Coca-Cola'scommercials, The Morning After and Handbag, manage and encode genusthrough a series of staging principles and genre conventions. This is studiedthrough a qualitative image analysis where the material is broken down andcompared to each other. Theories of representation, genus, genre conventionsand principles of mise-en-scène are presented and used to analyze the material.The essay resulted in insights into how genre conventions in combination withenvironmental aspects such as lighting, color selection and handling of propsare used to encode the films by stereotypical gender patterns. The resultunderlies an approach for creators active in visual mediums regarding howadvertising is coded by gender and its effects, but also opens for future studieson how this can be implemented in practice.

Since the adoption of Law 1008 in 1988, Bolivia's government has organized a campaign to eradicate coca crops in an effort to reduce drug trafficking in the Andean region of South America. Destruction of crops is usually carried out by the Bolivian military or special police forces with support from the United States. However, the policies adopted by these agencies sometimes result in egregious abuses of human rights including unwarranted search and seizure of property, torture, and death. This thesis examines the importance of coca to traditional Andean society as a vital part of indigenous culture and stresses that coca leaf is not cocaine. An examination of the coca eradication campaign follows, including the militarization of the U.S.-backed War on Drugs. The role of the military in Bolivia is discussed, which leads to the question of whether the Bolivian military should actually be involved in the drug war. Suggestions are made for reexamining the role of the military and the training of special police in order to reduce the incidents of human rights abuses against Bolivian peasant coca growers.

Yes / The Bioarchaeology of Care approach developed by Tilley is usually applied to skeletalized human remains, given the usual constraints of preservation bias that are seen with archaeological assemblages. However, other tissues, such as hair are sometimes preserved and can provide a wealth of information that can supplement the skeletal data. Archaeological hair has been analysed for drug compounds for almost thirty years. This article integrates data from hair analyses for coca metabolites, stable light isotope analysis and aDNA to expand the potential of the Bioarchaeology of Care approach using the example of a spontaneously mummified adult female from northern Chile. / Arts and Humanities Research Council, United Kingdom, Doctoral Studentship 2008/140561 (ELB)

Ao pôr do sol, quando o som do pilão começa a ecoar pela aldeia, é possível acompanhar os passos dos senhores Hupdäh (Maku) que vão caminhando vagarosamente, saudando-se e sentando-se em seus bancos para formar as rodas de coca (p&#361\'&#361k/ ipadú. Enquanto a fumaça dos cigarros de tabaco tateia os ares noturnos, o pó verde da coca (erythroxylum coca) vai sendo derramado nas bocas. Em meio às conversas, mitos começam a ser contados, benzimentos são ensinados e andanças pelos caminhos da mata são comentadas. Murmurando palavras para cigarros ou cuias, alguns dos participantes executam ações xamânicas para curar ou proteger pessoas. Ao sentar-me com os Hupdäh, habitantes da região do Alto Rio Negro, AM, entendi que os encontros noturnos podem ser vistos como um modo de ação que permite aos participantes constituírem percursos de observação a partir de seus próprios movimentos em meio às palavras sopradas dos encantamentos, às narrativas míticas e aos passos trilhados pelos caminhos que atravessam a floresta. Neste trabalho, as rodas de coca são tomadas como performances, contextos que associam os fazeres mítico e xamânico a partir de uma forma relacional particular que articula distintas formas de mobilidade e de interação. Procura-se delinear como esses modos de ação mobilizam sensória e experiencialmente os viajantes hup, permitindo a interação com diversos seres em múltiplas paisagens, campos de percepção e ação para o engajamento mútuo em processos de transformação ao longo do mundo / When the sound of the crusher can be heard all over the village at sunset, the Hupdäh seniors may be seen walking slowly while they greet each other and then sit on their stools to form the rounds of coca. While the tobacco cigarette smoke spreads through the night air, the green coca powder is poured into their mouths. During their conversations myths are told, spells are taught and walks through the jungle paths are talked about. Whispering spells to their cigarettes or bowls, some participants perform shamanic actions to cure and protect people. On sitting with the Hupdäh, inhabitants of the Alto Rio Negro region, I realized that their night meetings can be seen as a mode of action which allows the participants to delineate their paths of observation from their own movements within their whispered spells, their myths stories, their steps on the trails that go through the jungle. In this study the rounds of coca are regarded as performances, contexts which associating the mythic and shamanic agencies constitute a particular relational form which articulates distinct ways of mobility and interaction. This study tries to describe how these modes of action mobilize the Hupdäh traveler in a sensory and experiential way enabling them to interact with several beings in different landscapes in order to achieve the mutual engagement in transformation processes by following a way of life along the world.

Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork undertaken in Bolivia’s coca-growing Yungas region, this thesis is concerned with how, on the most practical level, development projects might hold more relevance to the lives of their target groups than they have hitherto tended to do, as well as how the power imbalances that characterise the relationships between development organisations and local people may be understood and addressed. Beginning with the concept of ‘communicative ecology’ (Tacchi et al 2003) as a framework for exploring the multifariousness of communicative avenues and the interconnectedness of these within a system, I focus my analysis on the ecosystem of coca communications. I argue, however, that the concept of communicative ecology on its own has little meaning without adopting a political economy approach, which incorporates the work of attempting to understand the social and power relations that surround the production, distribution and consumption of resources, both material and cultural. As a way of analysing the strategies and potentials of people within the ecosystem of coca communications, I utilise Bourdieu’s (1990) notions of field, habitus and forms of capital, where the coca field characterises itself by virtue of the fact that all those who are a part of it are linked in some way through the production, exchange and consumption of both the coca leaf, and the values, meanings and discourses that surround it. It is concluded that the ecosystem of coca communications is linked intrinsically to the coca production system, in that individuals and groups have differential access to, inclination to use, and success in influencing the discourse via different communicative media, depending on their situation within the coca field. This refers to land ownership, labour, organisational participation, exchange and consumptive practices, which is translated into a system of capital accumulation and exchange. The thesis argues that development organisations will do well to consider a given locality in these terms in order to facilitate the implementation of ICT projects that are relevant and compatible with local social and communicational systems, and further, that these organisations must reflect upon their own role as ‘introduced organisms’ within local communicative ecologies. / http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1331441 / Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Adelaide, School of Social Sciences, 2008

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2007. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Forests at the tropical Valley of the Apurimac and Ene rivers (VRAE), the second coca-growing region of Peru, are public common resources and nevertheless privately managed mainly by coca farmers, without effective State control of such use. The need for survival of the coca farmers, their chrematistic perception of the forest, the cultivation of cocoa (theobroma cacao) and land availability are crucial factors influencing the rates of deforestation of primary and secondary forest. Variables such as the legality of land tenure seem to have no influence. However, other institutional factors such as state policies in titling processes and its weakness or absence facilitate the destructive patterns of settlement in the upper forest.  Grassroots organizations of farmers focused on defending coca cultivation and access to credit and technical conditions for their legal products do not consider the defense of the forest as a fundamental aspect of their agenda. Nor were grassroots organizations whose core agenda was the control and monitoring of the management of forest resources. All this leads to argue that the Amazonian farmers are trapped in the "prisoner's dilemma". On the one hand, institutional and media pressure press them strongly not to grow coca and on the other hand, if they do not grow coca o clear the forest, others will follow this destructive path and benefit immediately of such a decision / Los bosques en el Valle del río Apurímac y Ene (VRAE), la segunda región cocalera del Perú, son recursos comunes públicos que se manejan como privados por los agricultores principalmente cocaleros, sin un control efectivo de tal uso por parte del Estado. La necesidad de sobrevivencia de los agricultores cocaleros, su percepción crematística sobre el bosque, y la mayor o menos disponibilidad de tierras constituyen factores determinantes en el ritmo de deforestación del bosque primario y secundario. Variables tales como la legalidad de tenencia del predio no parecen tener influencia. Sin embargo, otros factores también institucionales facilitan una ocupación del espacio muy desordenada y destructiva, tales como las políticas de Estado en los procesos de titulación y la debilidad o ausencia del mismo.  Las organizaciones de base de los agricultores centradas en defender el cultivo de la coca y/o acceder a condiciones crediticias y técnicas para sus productos legales no consideran a la defensa del bosque como un aspecto fundamental de su agenda. Tampoco existían organizaciones de base cuya agenda central fuese el control y la vigilancia del manejo de los recursos forestales. Los agricultores son conscientes del daño ambiental y de salud que provoca la economía de la coca. Todo ello nos induce a argumentar que los productores rurales amazónicos se encuentran atrapados en el “dilema del prisionero”. Por un lado, la presión institucional y mediática los presiona fuertemente a no cultivar coca y por otro lado, si ellos no siembran coca y no deforestan otros seguirán ese camino destructivo y se beneficiaran de manera inmediata de tal decisión.

Ao pôr do sol, quando o som do pilão começa a ecoar pela aldeia, é possível acompanhar os passos dos senhores Hupdäh (Maku) que vão caminhando vagarosamente, saudando-se e sentando-se em seus bancos para formar as rodas de coca (p&#361\'&#361k/ ipadú. Enquanto a fumaça dos cigarros de tabaco tateia os ares noturnos, o pó verde da coca (erythroxylum coca) vai sendo derramado nas bocas. Em meio às conversas, mitos começam a ser contados, benzimentos são ensinados e andanças pelos caminhos da mata são comentadas. Murmurando palavras para cigarros ou cuias, alguns dos participantes executam ações xamânicas para curar ou proteger pessoas. Ao sentar-me com os Hupdäh, habitantes da região do Alto Rio Negro, AM, entendi que os encontros noturnos podem ser vistos como um modo de ação que permite aos participantes constituírem percursos de observação a partir de seus próprios movimentos em meio às palavras sopradas dos encantamentos, às narrativas míticas e aos passos trilhados pelos caminhos que atravessam a floresta. Neste trabalho, as rodas de coca são tomadas como performances, contextos que associam os fazeres mítico e xamânico a partir de uma forma relacional particular que articula distintas formas de mobilidade e de interação. Procura-se delinear como esses modos de ação mobilizam sensória e experiencialmente os viajantes hup, permitindo a interação com diversos seres em múltiplas paisagens, campos de percepção e ação para o engajamento mútuo em processos de transformação ao longo do mundo / When the sound of the crusher can be heard all over the village at sunset, the Hupdäh seniors may be seen walking slowly while they greet each other and then sit on their stools to form the rounds of coca. While the tobacco cigarette smoke spreads through the night air, the green coca powder is poured into their mouths. During their conversations myths are told, spells are taught and walks through the jungle paths are talked about. Whispering spells to their cigarettes or bowls, some participants perform shamanic actions to cure and protect people. On sitting with the Hupdäh, inhabitants of the Alto Rio Negro region, I realized that their night meetings can be seen as a mode of action which allows the participants to delineate their paths of observation from their own movements within their whispered spells, their myths stories, their steps on the trails that go through the jungle. In this study the rounds of coca are regarded as performances, contexts which associating the mythic and shamanic agencies constitute a particular relational form which articulates distinct ways of mobility and interaction. This study tries to describe how these modes of action mobilize the Hupdäh traveler in a sensory and experiential way enabling them to interact with several beings in different landscapes in order to achieve the mutual engagement in transformation processes by following a way of life along the world.

En los últimos años y esencialmente en la última década, en diferentes partes del país, se observó un conjunto de acciones de protestas y demandas por parte del movimiento cocalero que se centralizó en la defensa del cultivo de la hoja de coca. Tal es el caso del movimiento cocalero de la zona del VRAE que expresó su oposición al programa de erradicación de la hoja de coca y de implantación de cultivos alternativos. Los partidos políticos y específicamente el Partido Nacionalista Peruano fue uno de los interlocutores entre esta organización social y el Estado.

Desde finales de la década del setenta, el Perú se ha consolidado como uno de los principales eslabones del tráfico internacional de cocaína ilícita a través de la producción de hoja de coca y pasta básica de cocaína. El carácter ilícito de esta actividad supone la existencia de dinámicas diferentes a las de un mercado legal –aunque no completamente distintas- como el uso de la violencia y la extorsión para llevar a cabo las transacciones comerciales (Gambetta, 2010) o la recurrencia a grupos armados que brinden protección y seguridad a las actividades ilícitas (Felbab-Brown, 2010). Por lo general, las actividades de producción de hoja de coca y de pasta básica de cocaína se realizan en “zonas marrones”, es decir, en áreas en donde la legalidad del Estado no tiene alcance o la tiene de manera muy limitada (O’Donnell, 1993, 2004) / Tesis