La présente thèse c’est l’histoire d’une vie, des sommets et des abîmes, de la lumière et des ténèbres, des sourires et des sanglots. Les deux moitiés complémentaires de la vie, une manière d’expression personnelle et unique, une force créatrice qui va au-delà des limites, le talent littéraire indiscutable, voilà quelques mots-clefs qui caractérisent bien notre auteur. La métamorphose imprévisible continuelle manifestée dans son œuvre et les secrets de son écriture, contestée et appréciée à la fois, ne sont que des pistes générales qu’on se propose de développer tout au long de cette recherche. Les nombreuses publications récentes montrent un grand intérêt qui existe pour un sujet encore actuel et inépuisé, pour une époque qui suscite une longue chaîne d’interrogations, qui ne cesse de surprendre. Un thème de discussion toujours effervescent et passionné, qui accueille de plus en plus de participants prêts à se délivrer des mystères d’une époque lourde et obscure. Pourquoi « Le drame de l’écrivain entre deux mondes » ? Un titre apparemment simple, pour un thème vraiment complexe. Probablement parce que Petru Dumitriu est un cas atypique ; en contraste avec ceux qui préfèrent vivre en silence leurs drames, préserver au maximum leur intimité, tout sceller pour toujours dans les profondeurs de leur âme, Petru Dumitriu choisit l’ouverture, la sincérité totale, le récit assumé d’une expérience qui émeut dès les premières phrases. / The current thesis is the story of a life, peaks and abysses, light and darkness, smiles and tears. The two complementary halves of life, a way of personal and unique expression, a creative force that goes beyond the limits, the indisputable literary talent, here are some keywords that perfectly characterize our author.The continual metamorphosis unpredictable manifested in his work and the secrets of his writing, both challenged and appreciated are only general tracks that we propose to develop throughout this research.The many recent publications show great interest that exists for a current and still unexhausted subject to a time that elicits a long string of questions, which continues to surprise. A topic of discussion still effervescent and passionate, which welcomes more and more participants willing to deliver mysteries of a heavy and dark time.Why "The drama of the writer between two worlds"? An apparently simple title for a truly complex issue. Probably because Petru Dumitriu is an atypical case; in contrast to those who prefer to live in silence their dramas, preserve their privacy at the maximum while sealed forever in the depths of their soul, Petru Dumitriu chooses aperture, total sincerity, the narrative assumed an experience that moves from the very first sentences.

The sectarian tactics of the Comintern's Third Period prevented the Communist Party of Great Britain from articulating an effective response to the rise of fascism during 1933. The CPGB leadership saw the main threat of fascism in Britain coming from the National Government, whose measures were portrayed as leading to the gradual 'fascisation' of British society. This led to the Party leadership ignoring the BUF as politically irrelevant. However, sections of the CPGB rank and file felt differently, linking up with their Labour movement counterparts; organising activity on a mass scale to prevent BUF activity on the streets of Britain. In mid 1934, reflecting pressure from below and the change in Comintern anti-fascist strategy as advocated by Dimitrov, the CPGB leadership changed tack and sanctioned counter-demonstrations to BUF meetings. In October 1934 it offered a united front electoral pact to the Labour Party. In 1935 the CPGB embraced the popular front policy adopted by the Comintern at its Seventh World Congress. The popular front movement was designed to change the 'profascist' foreign policy of the National Government and replace it with a people's government favourable to a military pact with the USSR. This guiding principle lay behind the popular front activity of the CPGB during 1935- 39. By 1939 after six years of hard work the CPGB had little to show for its struggle against fascism. Despite a small increase in membership, and a slight growth in influence amongst the trade unions and intelligentsia, it had failed to bring about a change in British foreign policy favourable to an alliance with the Soviet Union or to emerge as a significant force within the British Labour movement. This failure can be largely ascribed to its pursuit of an antifascist strategy determined mainly by the requirements of Soviet foreign policy and not by the concerns of British workers.

Using data from the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor, this paper examines differences in entrepreneurial perceptions (fear of failure, opportunity perception, self-efficacy, public opinion) between CEE and non-CEE countries, before and after the 2008 recession, as well as the effects of these perceptions on entrepreneurial motivation and overall levels of activity. The results suggest that CEE countries have systematically more pessimistic outlooks in terms of fear of failure and opportunity perception, but no difference from non-CEE countries in self-efficacy and public opinion. Additionally, most of the difference in fear of failure and opportunity perception, along with an increase in necessity-motivated entrepreneurship, comes after the recession, suggesting less durability and resilience of optimistic entrepreneurial perceptions in CEE countries. Finally, there is evidence of a higher threshold for a perceived opportunity to become a business reality in these post-socialist CEE countries.

In this thesis I compare Pierre Leroux, a French utopian socialist (1797 – 1871), with Feodor Dostoevsky, the well-known Orthodox Russian novelist (1821 – 1881). I argue that both authors reacted against what they considered to be the dissolution of the social order, brought about by the increasing nineteenth-century bourgeois individualism. On the other hand, they reacted as well against the opposite phenomenon, the idea of a universal socialist state, which was, in fact, according to them, the outcome of bourgeois individualism. My purpose is to bring close and to compare Leroux’s republican socialism with Dostoevsky’s Christian socialism, and to explore to what extent the two authors give similar answers to a common problem. In order to better explain their thought, I divide my thesis into three chapters. The first analyzes and compares Leroux’s and Dostoevsky’s critiques of individualism. If Leroux reaches the conclusion that the ultimate expression of individualism is Malthusianism, Dostoevsky argues that individualism ends in nihilism. The second chapter analyzes the type of socialism against which Leroux and Dostoevsky reacted, as well as the critiques of the two authors. I argue here that Saint-Simonian socialism – the main object of Leroux’s critique – and the socialism of the Grand Inquisitor – a Dostoevskyan character – are the expression of a certain utopian thought which considers the requirement for freedom incompatible with the requirement for unity. In the last chapter, I analyze the ideas of community of Leroux and of Dostoevsky, which are centered on philia, in the case of the former, and on agape, in the case of the latter. Philia and respectively agape are the expression of organic social relations, through which the two requirements, of freedom and unity, are made compatible, and which create unity in multiplicity. Their ideas of community appear as active utopias, grounded on the life of relation in a spontaneous, organic community.

The controversy surrounding the period 1928-1930, the period of Li Li-san's leadership of the Chinese Communist Party, is the central topic of this paper. The controversy itself is over what role the Comintern played in the formation of what is commonly referred to as the "Li Li-san line." The conclusions drawn in this paper show that, though the Comintern did play a small part in the formation of Li's policy, that, nevertheless, his line was of his own making. The disastrous attempt at urban insurrection in 1930 was of Li's own doing: he had been receiving signals for some time that his policies were contradictory to those of the Comintern. In order to give the reader a sense of how this leadership controversy and the policy differences arose, there is also a presentation of some of the background information regarding the labor movement and the CCP's role in it, and Li Li-san himself -his part in the labor movement and his own personality. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

The diploma thesis titled "Political developments in Vietnam from 1954 to the present" focuses on the political development of Vietnam after the war in Indochina until present days. It describes what led Ho Chi Minh to adopt communism, after what and by whom he was inspired and why communism has nowadays still a strong position in Vietnam. The main attention is devoted to the reforms of Doi Moi, that have lifted the country's economy. It outlines the positive and negative aspects following the introduction of these reforms.

Orientador: Paulo Ribeiro Rodrigues da Cunha / Banca: Fernando da Silva Rodrigues / Banca: Francisco César Alves Ferraz / Banca: Paulo Eduardo Teixeira / Banca: Jefferson Rodrigues barbosa / Resumo: Esta Tese identifica as nuances da agenda política da Liga de Defesa Nacional, no período entre 1930 até 1964, quando a Entidade operou uma mudança em seu projeto de modernização conservadora para uma intervenção contra o comunismo. Esta abordagem tem como ponto de partida o movimento político de 3 de outubro de 1930, momento de ajustamento ideológico da Entidade aos interesses de Estado capitaneado pelos líderes da Entidade. A posterior ação intitulada de "Intentona Comunista", em 1935, foi a suposta justificativa para o fechamento do regime, construindo o "perigo vermelho". Assim, nossa análise terá este panorama inicial, culminando na II Guerra Mundial, ocasião em que o Brasil inicia seu alinhamento à política externa Estadunidense, completando a análise no golpe civil-militar em 1964. Esta abordagem tem como objetivo central verificar a hipótese da participação da Instituição no cenário político, a partir dos anos 1930, e a construção de um discurso político anticomunista, sucedendo possíveis contradições no discurso e na ação política da Entidade, mas que se manteve em sua agenda política, até o golpe, de forma inalterada. Em suma, avaliamos a interação da Liga de Defesa Nacional na política brasileira, traçando como hipótese que a Entidade, supostamente, se reconfigurou enquanto expressão de um Partido Militar, por meio de uma agenda modernizadora paralelamente ao combate ao Comunismo no Brasil. / Abstract: This thesis identifies the nuances of the political agenda of National Defence League, in the period between 1930 until 1964, when the entity operated a change in his conservative modernization project for intervention against communism. This approach takes as its starting point the political movement of October 3, 1930, ideological adjustment time of entity to state interests captained by entity leaders. Further action titled "Communist Conspiracy" in 1935, was the supposed justification for the closure of the scheme due to the "red danger". So our analysis will have this initial overview, culminating in World War II, the occasion when Brazil begins its alignment with US foreign policy, completing the analysis in the civilmilitary coup in 1964. This approach is mainly aimed to verify the hypothesis of participation (or not) of the institution on the political scene from the 1930s and the construction of an antipolitical discourse, succeeding possible contradictions in speech and political activity of the Entity, but remained in their political agenda to the coup unchanged. In summary, we will seek to evaluate the interaction of National Defense League in Brazilian politics, tracing the hypothesis that the entity is supposed to be reconfigured as an expression of a military party, by means of a modernizing agenda in parallel with the fight against Communism in Brazil. / Doutor

No description available.

La littérature scientifique associe communément l’idéologie à la construction d’un groupe, d’une société, d’un régime. Ici, il s’agit d’expliquer comment une idéologie, projetant de bâtir une Yougoslavie communiste et indépendante, cause la chute du régime et la dislocation de la fédération yougoslave. Un examen minutieux de la doctrine ainsi que de la pratique politique issues de l’idéologie yougoslaviste met en exergue les contradictions à l’origine de l’échec yougoslave. Reconsidérer l’autonomie des acteurs politiques et de leurs idées offre de rendre pleinement intelligible l’impasse du modèle yougoslave. / In the scientific literature, ideology is traditionally studied in relation to the structuration of a group, a society, or a regime. This thesis aims to explain how an ideology, here dedicated to the building of an independent communist Yugoslavia, was on the contrary responsible for the breakdown of the regime and for the dislocation of the Yugoslav federation. A detailed study of the doctrine and political practice derived from the Yugoslavist ideology highlights the contradictions that were to lead to the failure of the Yugoslav model. To reconsider the autonomy of the political actors and their ideas enables to make fully intelligible the stalemate of the yugoslav model.

This study takes a close look at the making of the Spanish left-wing populist party Podemos, paying special attention to the populist project devised by its original group of founders to capitalize on the political opportunities created by the 2008 economic crisis and the Indignados movement of 2011. Part I examines how Podemos’ founders used digital technology to connect with followers and exchange support and influence with them. It shows that online platforms constitute a precious tool in the hands of populist leaders who seek to mobilize plebiscitarian support for their authority and goals while creating a semblance of democratic participation. Part II delves deep into the biographical histories of the main founders of Podemos to investigate the beliefs and desires guiding their populist project. Based on a combination of qualitative research methods, including archival research, expert interviews, participant observation, and textual analysis, this study challenges the common notion that the founders of Podemos subscribe to the populist “ideology.” Instead, it demonstrates that they used populism strategically in order to take advantage of what Podemos’ leader Pablo Iglesias called a “Leninist moment” – an exceptional situation in which the seizure of power (through electoral means) becomes possible for a Communist party. It also shows that Ernesto Laclau’s theory of populism exerted a strong influence on some party founders. This was particularly the case for Íñigo Errejón, the main proponent of populism in Podemos, who used Laclau’s theory as a guide to thought and action and turned his book On Populist Reason into the first “sacred text” of the populist tradition.