Karl Marx's relationship to republicanism proceeds in three stages: he began his political career as a republican, he subsequently transitioned to communism, and then he finally reconciled his republicanism and communism. Marx's early political writings reveal his commitment to central republican ideas, including popular sovereignty, widespread political participation and universal suffrage. These commitments led him to reject absolute and constitutional monarchy. But they also led to a critique of the modern republic, which Marx argued gave insufficient space for citizens to participate publicly for the common good. He thus gives a republican critique of the republic. Marx's disillusionment with the ability of a modern republic to deliver human emancipation eventually led him to transition to communism. He now argued that the republic would be a bourgeois republic, which would subject the proletariat to the capitalist. He attacked republicans for neglecting social depredation in favour of political reform. However, his transition to communism also carried with it several republican commitments. Unlike the many apolitical versions of communism at the time, Marx insisted that the workers had to establish the republic before communism could emerge. He also extended key republican political ideas, including the objection to arbitrary power, to the social sphere. But what was absent was an account of a more participatory and accountable political alternative to the modern republic. However, the experience of ordinary workers carrying out the legislative and public administration of Paris during the Commune, led Marx to return to many of those early republican themes. He celebrated ordinary citizens' capacity for self-government and advocated popular control over the state and transforming representative democracy into popular delegacy. He came to realise that these political structures were essential to achieving the social goals of communism. He thus came to a synthesis of his early republicanism and later communism.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-12-10T14:24:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2015-07-02. Added 1 bitstream(s) on 2015-12-10T14:30:31Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000851492_20170702.pdf: 251644 bytes, checksum: 1bebc0e69aeb3f4f31bb90f868abfb93 (MD5) Bitstreams deleted on 2017-07-24T11:34:14Z: 000851492_20170702.pdf,. Added 1 bitstream(s) on 2017-07-24T11:35:18Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000851492.pdf: 1417309 bytes, checksum: 0d7c4910aebdd7e9b5c3cdbd8bd291c7 (MD5) / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / A partir de 2008, com a eclosão da mais importante crise econômica desde 1929, o discurso e o ideário neoliberais perderam ainda mais força, uma vez que o Estado revelou-se o fiador último do sistema do capital em nível global. Os problemas sociais em escala mundial que estão nas raízes da crise se acumulam sem que haja perspectivas positivas para as suas resoluções. Ao lado disso, a possibilidade de uma ordem social alternativa ao capital e o legado teórico-político de Karl Marx recomeçam, ainda que timidamente, a ser debatidos. A partir desse cenário, a questão da transição pós-capitalista, e pós-capital, se coloca, com a intensificação da crise, como um problema muito importante para teorias de mudanças sociais substantivas. Este trabalho investiga duas delas: a da revolução permanente de Leon Trotski e a da luta para além do capital de István Mészáros, tidas como representativas do que a teoria social inspirada em Marx produziu no último século sobre a questão. Enquanto a primeira se viu envolvida com as repercussões - e descaminhos - da principal experiência prática de transição pós-capitalista no século 20, a segunda avalia as insuficiências daquela experiência e os requisitos para uma teoria geral de transição. Aqui, levamos em conta o problema da transição tendo como um dos eixos principais a questão do Estado. A teoria da revolução permanente de Trotski, que passa por vários momentos, reafirma - incorporando alguns elementos específicos - as características essenciais do problema do Estado e da transição emanados dos clássicos da teoria social marxista. Todavia, trabalhando com uma metodologia e uma perspectiva originais em relação à categoria da totalidade - que abre um campo ainda não explorado para as teorias de transformações sociais -, deixa um legado de validade duradoura sobre o tema. A segunda, por sua vez, avança em direções e abordagens até então não... / From 2008 until now, with the outbreak of the most important economic crisis since 1929, the discourse and the neoliberal ideology had lost even more strength, once the state has proved to be the ultimate guarantor of the capital system in a global level. The social problems worldwide that are on the roots of the crisis pile up without positive outlook for its resolutions. Beside this, the possibility of a social alternative order to capital and the theoretical-political legacy of Karl Marx are now, although timidly, being again debated. From this scenario, the issue of post-capitalist transition, and post-capital, arises, with the intensification of the crisis, as a very important problem for theories of substantive social changes. The work thus investigates two of them: the permanent revolution from Leon Trotski and the struggle beyond capital from István Mészáros, taken as representative of the social theory inspired by Marx and produced in the last century on the issue. While the first became involved with the repercussions - and detours - of the main practical experience of post-capitalist transition in the 20th century, the second assesses the shortcomings of that experience and the requirements for a general theory of transition. Here, we consider the problem of transition having the question of the state as one of its main focus. Trotski's theory of permanent revolution has different moments but as a whole reaffirms - incorporating some specific elements - the essential characteristics for the problem of the state and transition given from the classics of marxist social theory. However, working with a methodology and a original perspective on the totality category - which opens a field unexplored for social changes theories -, he leaves a legacy of great validity on the subject. The second, in turn, moves on directions and approaches insufficiently developed until now - in a sense shifting the focus of the ...

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-08-17Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:07:35Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 pereira_maml_me_fran.pdf: 854863 bytes, checksum: 7f614e42b8ce9fca8eb2408515c64ae8 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O cerne desta proposta é o estudo do anticomunismo católico no Brasil, privilegiando como marco temporal o período 1935-1937. Para tanto, pretende-se apresentar algumas reflexões advindas de leituras teóricas que contemplam o eixo temático religião e política articuladas com a análise qualitativa da produção de artigos/matérias veiculados pelo periódico católico O Santuário e pela revista A Ordem, sobretudo com relação à “Intentona Comunista”, ao regime comunista na Rússia e ao advento da Guerra Civil Espanhola. Dito isto, o objetivo deste trabalho é resgatar, ainda que parcialmente, a construção do discurso anticomunista católico, percebendo suas nuances na maneira de “retratar” o comunismo e/ou comunistas. Ademais, parte integrante deste trabalho consiste em estudar e entender o fenômeno do “engajamento” político da Igreja no Brasil / The core of this proposal is the study of the Catholic anti-Communism in Brazil, having as temporal boundary the period between 1935 and 1937. For this matter, it is intended to present some thoughts which are originated from theoretical readings that consider religion and politics as the thematic axis and are articulated with the qualitative analysis of essays and stories production published by the Catholic journal O Santuário and the magazine A Ordem, mostly in relation to the “Communist Uprising”, the Russian Communist regime and the Spanish Civil War advent. By that, the aim of this work is to disentangle, even if a limited part, the Catholic anti-Communism speech construction, cognizing its nuances in the way they “delineated” Communism and/or the Communists. Furthermore, part of this work also aims to study and understand the political “engagement” phenomenon of the Brazilian Catholic Church

Made available in DSpace on 2014-11-10T11:09:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2014Bitstream added on 2014-11-10T11:58:35Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000794304.pdf: 1792432 bytes, checksum: ce0da624e9fb4ed706713ed96d65e493 (MD5) / Essa dissertação pretende apresentar as primeiras interpretações marxistas acerca da realidade brasileira e sua interconexão, seus elementos comuns e divergentes. Partimos de algumas considerações iniciais sobre como o autor dessa dissertação compreende em linhas gerais o desenvolvimento brasileiro até o período das obras estudadas e da situação de divisão no marxismo internacional e sua influência sobre tais obras. As interpretações analisadas referem-se às de Octávio Brandão, autor de Agrarismo e Industrialismo – Ensaio marxista-leninista sobre a revolta de São Paulo e a guerra de Classes no Brasil, na qual há uma primeira tentativa de compreender o Brasil utilizando-se de alguns conceitos da metodologia materialista-histórica; as produzidas pela Liga Comunista (posteriormente Liga Comunista Internacionalista), seção brasileira da Oposição de Esquerda Internacional liderada por Leon Trotsky; e por fim a obra consagrada de Caio Prado Júnior, responsável por uma das principais leituras do passado colonial brasileiro. Ateremos-nos com especial ênfase às duas últimas pela sua proximidade na análise e no maior rigor analítico empregado e pelas suas disparidades programáticas. Como se espera do materialismo histórico, suas análises não se limitam à pura compreensão abstrata, mas servem para fundamentar sua ação prática, elemento presente nas três interpretações aqui tratadas. Nas conclusões finais, teceremos breves comparações entre as obras em caráter de síntese do exposto ao longo da dissertação bem como as considerações próprias do autor sobre o tema em questão. / This thesis aims to present the first three Marxist interpretations about the Brazilian reality and their interconnection, their commonalities and differences. We start from some initial considerations of the author of this dissertation comprehension about the Brazilian development until the period of the works studied and the situation in the international division of Marxism and its influence on such works. Interpretations analyzed refer to Octavio Brandão, author of Agrarianism and Industrialism - Marxist-Leninist Essay on the revolt of St. Paul and the War of Classes in Brazil, in which there is a first attempt to understand Brazil using some concepts of materialist historical methodology; those produced by the Communist League (Internationalist Communist League later) , Brazilian section of the International Left Opposition lead by Leon Trotsky , and finally the consecrated work of Caio Prado Junior , responsible for the major interpretation of Brazilian past colonial. We stick with particular emphasis on the last two because of its proximity in analyzing and greater analytical rigor used and its programmatic differences. As expected from the historical materialism, their analysis is not limited to pure abstract understanding, but they serve to substantiate their practical action, element in the three interpretations addressed here. In the final conclusions , weave brief comparisons between those works in character synthesis of the foregoing throughout the dissertation as well as the author's own views on this topic.

Esta tese tem por objeto as relações entre o marxismo de matriz comunista e o nacionalismo popular no Peru, entre os anos 1920 e19 30, e no Brasil, entre as décadas de 1950 e 1960. Parto da hipótese de que foram essas duas correntes ideológicas concorrentes que plasmaram, entre os anos 1920 e a Revolução Cubana, o universo político-ideológico das esquerdas latino-americanas, em particular, e das classes subalternas do subcontinente, de modo geral. O maior sucesso dos nacionalistas populares em ganhar a adesão dos trabalhadores se deveria à incompreensão dos comunistas em relação à especificidade da questão nacional na região, isto é: o caráter inconcluso da formação das comunidades imaginadas nacionais, tanto pela exclusão da cidadania de amplas camadas populares, como pela dependência externa. Ao longo do trabalho, procurarei demonstrar como essa relação seguiu padrões opostos nos dois países: indo de uma origem comum à hostilidade, no primeiro caso, e do conflito à aliança, no segundo. Explicarei esses padrões divergentes, tanto pelas diferenças entre as respectivas formações sociais, como pelos distintos contextos internacionais, em especial no que se refere ao movimento comunista. Com essa pesquisa comparada, procurarei submeter à crítica as interpretações da chamada teoria do populismo, em especial no que diz respeito ao Brasil e ao problema das relações entre comunistas e nacionalistas no período pré-1964. / This thesis discusses the relationship between the Marxism of communist background and popular nationalism in Peru, during the 1920s and 1930s, and in Brazil, during the 50s and 60s. My hypothesis is that this two concurring ideologies formed, from the 1920s until the Cuban Revolution, the political and ideological universe of the Latin American left, in particular, and that of the subcontinents subaltern classes. The greater ability of the popular nationalists to gain support from the working classes is due to the incomprehension on behalf of the communists of the national problem in the region: the unfinished character of the national imagined communities, caused by the exclusion from citizenship of vast popular masses and external dependency. The work shall demonstrate that the relationship between nationalists and communists followed opposite patterns: going from a common background to hostility in the first case, and from conflict to alliance in the second. With this comparative research, I seek to criticize the interpretations inspired by the theory of populism, especially in the Brazilian case and on the subject of the communist/nationalist relations in the pre-1964 period.

L’appellation « jeune Marx » désigne les écrits marxiens, souvent publiés à titre posthume, allant de la Dissertation doctorale de 1841 tout au moins jusqu’aux articles des Annales franco-allemandes. Elle recouvre ainsi la période où Marx se réclame de la philosophie. Cette première période théorique a jusqu’à aujourd’hui fait l’objet d’une double et presque totale mise à l’écart théorique. D’une part, ces travaux de jeunesse ont été assimilés aux symptômes d’une formation intellectuelle encore incomplète, dont l’idéalisme aurait été dépassé par le matérialisme de la maturité. Cette approche était représentée en France d’une manière paradigmatique par Althusser. Elle a cependant aussi caractérisé, d’Engels à Cornu, presque toutes les traditions de lecture marxiste. Si des lectures symétriquement opposées, comme celle de Rubel, identifiant dans les théories du jeune Marx le fondement de son matérialisme à venir, ont inversé le diagnostic, elles n’en ont pas moins rejeté aussi l’approche immanente pour interroger les écrits du jeune Marx seulement dans leur intégration à l’évolution marxienne d’ensemble. D’autre part, c’est le contexte et l’intertexte théoriques de développement du jeune Marx, en l’occurrence sa participation au mouvement jeune hégélien, qui ont été mis de côté. Ils n’ont été mobilisés que négativement, servant à la mise en relief de l’originalité théorique et politique de Marx. Or, cette période dite de jeunesse est pour Marx une période d’exploration théorique et politique qui demande à être interrogée pour elle-même. De plus, le travail théorique, voire parfois rédactionnel, de Marx dans cette période passe par la collaboration et la discussion avec des auteurs Jeunes hégéliens. On retient généralement de ces collaborations seulement celle avec Engels – dont on oublie qu’il fut un Jeune hégélien – en masquant celles qui la précédèrent ou furent simultanées, avec Bruno Bauer notamment jusqu’en 1842, avec Arnold Ruge à Paris, puis avec Moses Hess. Dans cette succession de collaborations et de polémiques, construire une théorie, pour le Marx de cette époque, implique toujours, d’une part, de se situer par rapport à Hegel, et d’autre part, de se situer par rapport aux autres Jeunes hégéliens. Notre projet consiste par conséquent, non à opposer Marx à l’ensemble des autres Jeunes hégéliens dont l’unanimité serait postulée, pour en valoriser l’originalité isolée, mais à retracer les évolutions théoriques de Marx en les situant à l’intérieur des débats qui constituent le jeune hégélianisme. Cette approche doit être appliquée, non seulement à la dimension philosophique des textes de « jeunesse » de Marx, mais aussi à ses travaux sur l’histoire, la religion, l’économie, la société et la politique. La « découverte » même de ces trois derniers domaines, généralement identifiée à un congé donné par Marx à la philosophie et à l’idéalisme qu’il laisserait aux Jeunes hégéliens, est à expliquer, du moins partiellement, selon une médiation jeune hégélienne. Comprendre le jeune Marx passe par une lecture génétique, contextuelle et intertextuelle de ses positions à l’intérieur du contexte jeune hégélien dans lequel les propositions de Marx prennent alors leur sens. / The term "young Marx" refers to Marxian writings, often published posthumously, ranging from the doctoral dissertation of 1841 to at least the articles of the Annales franco-allemandes. It thus covers the period when Marx claims to be a philosopher. This first theoretical period has suffered a double and almost total theoretical exclusion. On the one hand, these early writings have been considered as symptoms of an intellectual formation that was not yet complete, whose idealism would have been surpassed by the materialist position of the “mature” Marx. This approach was represented in France in a paradigmatic way by Althusser. However, it has also characterized, from Engels to Cornu, almost all Marxist reading traditions. If symmetrically opposed readings, such as Rubel's, identifying in the theories of the young Marx the foundation of his future materialism, reversed the diagnosis, they nonetheless rejected the immanent approach to question the writings of the young Marx only in their integration with the overall Marxian evolution. On the other hand, it is the theoretical context and intertext of the young Marx's development, in this case his participation in the young Hegelian movement, which have been put aside. They have been mobilized only negatively, in order to highlight the theoretical and political originality of Marx. Now, this so-called youth period is for Marx a period of theoretical and political exploration that requires to be interrogated for itself. In addition, Marx's theoretical and sometimes editorial work in this period involves collaboration and discussion with Young Hegelian writers. What is usually highlighted in this period are the collaborations with Engels – who had been a Young Hegelian, even if this is often forgotten – putting aside other anterior and simultaneous collaborations ; like the one with Bruno Bauer (until 1842), with Arnold Ruge (in Paris) and with Moses Hess. In this succession of collaborations and polemics, Marx’s construction of theories at that time always implies, on the one hand, to situate himself in relation to Hegel, and on the other hand, to situate himself in relation to other Young Hegelians. My project, therefore, is not to oppose Marx to all the other Young Hegelians whose unanimity would be postulated, in order to value its isolated originality, but to trace Marx's theoretical evolutions by situating them within the debates which constitute the young Hegelianism. This approach must be applied not only to the philosophical dimension of Marx's "youth" texts, but also to his work on history, religion, economics, society and politics. Marx’s so-called discovery of the last three domains - usually considered as an evidence for him leaving philosophy and idealism to Young Hegelians - must be explained, at least partially, in reference to Marx’s participation to Youn Hegelianism. Understanding the young Marx involves a genetic, contextual and intertextual reading of his positions within the young Hegelian context in which Marx's propositions make sense.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O objetivo central dessa dissertação é investigar como se configurou o discurso anticomunista nos editoriais e colunas políticas de O Jornal entre 1935 a 1937. A quarta década do século XX foi um período marcado pelo crescente aumento do autoritarismo governamental de Getúlio Vargas, culminando na outorgação do Estado Novo, em novembro de 1937. Busca-se, portanto, através da análise das colunas políticas e dos editoriais do matutino, perceber os principais temas utilizados pelos articulistas na criação de uma imagem maligna do comunismo e dos seus adeptos, e como o periódico legitimava as ações repressivas do governo de Getúlio Vargas. Logra-se também apreender a constituição do mito político da conspiração comunista e do herói salvífico, percebido em Getúlio Vargas e da desconstrução do mito do Cavaleiro da Esperança, encarnado na figura de Luiz Carlos Prestes, principal líder comunista da época. Também se objetiva compreender o momento histórico da imprensa brasileira entre os anos 1920 e 1930, estudando, especificamente, a trajetória histórica de O Jornal e do pensamento do seu proprietário, o Sr. Assis Chateaubriand. / The central aim of this essay is to investigate how was set the anti-communist speech of the political editorials and columns of O Jornal from 1935 and 1937. The fourth decade of the twentieth century was a period outlined by the increasing growth of the authoritarian government of Getúlio Vargas, culminating with the outset of the Estado Novo in November of 1937. It is aimed, throughout the analysis of the political editorials and columns of the paper, to understand the main themes used by the writers in the creation of an evil image of communism and its supporters, and how the paper legitimated the reinforcement actions of Getúlio Vargas. It is also aimed to learn the beginning of the political myth of the communist conspiracy and of the savior seen in Getúlio Vargas and of the deconstruction of the myth of the Cavalheiro da Esperança perceived in the person of Luiz Carlos Prestes, the most important communist leader of the time. It is also aimed to understand the historical moment of the Brazilian press in the 20s and 30s, studying specifically the historical trajectory of O Jornal and the thought of its owner, Mr. Assis Chateaubriand.

Através da análise da revista Nação Armada, publicação de caráter civil-militar dedicada a Segurança Nacional, publicada pelo Exército brasileiro entre 1939 e 1947, o presente trabalho tem como objetivo compreender o processo de construção de um pensamento autoritário e anticomunista no Exército brasileiro neste período, e medir a contribuição do periódico Nação Armada neste processo. Utilizando a Nação Armada como fio condutor, procuramos remontar as formas de pensamento dos homens da época, tendo o mesmo cuidado em analisar conceitos como o de autoritarismo. Metodologicamente, adotamos primeiramente uma abordagem hermenêutica, quando todos os dados relacionados à publicação da Nação Armada (editores, tiragem, formato, autores, artigos, etc.), foram exaustivamente levantados e organizados, e em seguida passamos a uma abordagem heurística, quando passamos à crítica interna do conteúdo da Nação Armada, analisando os conceitos e discursos mais recorrentes. Contextualizamos nossa circunscrição temporal e temática à Era Vargas, e ao momento internacional. Trouxemos à discussão fatos históricos pontuais e locais, cronologicamente anteriores à publicação de Nação Armada, como a Intentona Comunista de 1935, bem como processos mais abrangentes e internacionais como a crise do sistema político liberal, a Segunda Guerra Mundial e o comunismo. Autores como Azevedo Amaral, Francisco Campos e Oliveira Vianna nos forneceram um arcabouço primordial para o entendimento de uma ideologia autoritária no Brasil na primeira metade do século XX. Dentre as várias ramificações que o presente trabalho apresentou, em virtude de período tão rico e transformador da história nacional e mundial, adotamos uma hipótese principal, que vai ao sentido de um processo contínuo de elaboração de ideário anticomunista e autoritário no Exército brasileiro através de construções simbólicas, e de tradições inventadas. / Through analysis of the Armada Nation magazine, publication of a civil-military dedicated to National Security, published by the Brazilian Army between 1939 and 1947, this work aims to understand the process of building an authoritarian thinking, and anti-communist in the Brazilian Army this period, and measure the contribution of the magazine Nation Army this process. Using the Armada Nation as a guide, try to trace the ways of thinking men of that time, taking the same care to examine concepts such as authoritarianism. Methodologically, we adopted primarily a hermeneutic approach where all data related to publication of the Armada Nation (publishers, printing, format, authors, articles, etc..) Have been thoroughly collected and organized, and then we come to a heuristic approach, when we the internal criticism of the contents of the Armada Nation, analyzing the concepts and discourses more applicants. Contextualize our district to the temporal and thematic Vargas era, and the international moment. We brought to discuss historical events and places off chronologically preceding publication Armada Nation, as the Communist Conspiracy of 1935, as well as broader processes and as the international crisis of liberal political system, the Second World War and communism. Authors such as Azevedo Amaral, Francisco Campos and Oliveira Vianna provided us with a vital framework for understanding an authoritarian ideology in Brazil in the first half of the twentieth century. Among the many ramifications that this work presented, because so rich and transformative period of national history and world, we adopt a hypothesis that goes to the main direction of an ongoing process of drafting anti-communist ideology and authoritarian in the Brazilian Army through symbolic constructions, and "invented traditions".

A presente pesquisa trata das relações entre trabalhadores, militantes ligados ao Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB) e a comunidade fronteiriça de Santana do Livramento e Rivera, a partir da instalação na região do Frigorífico Armour, e especialmente durante o período de redemocratização da sociedade brasileira que se seguiu ao final do Estado Novo, em um recorte que compreende o período de 1945 a 1954. Tem por objetivo revelar as articulações políticas e lutas operárias que tiveram como protagonistas os militantes ligados ao PCB e a sociedade fronteiriça no período em que o partido viveu um breve momento de legalidade, que por fim iria desaguar em forte repressão e na chacina ocorrida em 24 de setembro de 1950, na linha divisória entre Brasil e Uruguai. Dividida em quatro capítulos, busca historicizar a trajetória de homens e mulheres que tomaram parte dessa busca por direitos e justiça social em uma sociedade que tinha na grande fábrica multinacional o motor de desenvolvimento e também de concentração de poderes. Para tanto utiliza um conjunto de fontes composto por entrevistas, periódicos, acervos particulares, Anais da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1946 e da Câmara de Vereadores de Santana do Livramento, textos literários e manuscritos. / This tesis concerns about the relations between workers, militants linked to the Communist Party of Brazil (PCB) and the border community of Santana do Livramento and Rivera, since the installation in the region of the Armour meat packers company, and especially during the period of redemocratization of Brazilian society which followed the end of ―Estado Novo‖, in a cut that covers the period from 1945 to 1954. The objective is to reveal the political articulations and workers' struggles that had as protagonists the militants linked to the PCB and the border society in the period in which the party Lived a brief moment of legality, which would eventually lead to strong repression and the slaughter that occurred on September 24, 1950, on the dividing line between Brazil and Uruguay. Divided into four chapters, it seeks to historicize the trajectory of men and women who took part in this search for rights and social justice in a society that had in the great multinational factory the motor of development and also concentration of powers. In order to do so, it uses a set of sources composed of interviews, periodicals, private collections, Annals of the Constituent Assembly of 1946 and the Council of Councilors of Santana do Livramento, literary texts and manuscripts.

The Diploma Work deals with the history and development of Milevsko pastoral region. The Work has two parts. The first part deals with the history of invidual parochial Communities. It covers the era from the Communities formation, paying slight attention to preformation time, up to the second world war. The second part covers the time period from the second world war up to the year 1989. It deals with Milevsko pastoral region as the whole, its development is put in time context and individual events are linked to individual localities of the region. There are following parishes in Milevsko pastoral region: Milevsko, Nadějkov, Sepekov, Hodušín, Opařany, Květov, Lašovice, Kostelec nad Vltavou, Bernartice, Veselíčko, Stádlec, Rataje, Kovářov, Předbořice, Chyšky, Jistebnice and Klučenice.