The diploma thesis "The Question of Turkish Minority Integration in Germany During the Governing Period of the Black-Yellow Coalition 2009-2011" focuses on a widely discussed debate about the model of integration of the new coalition government CDU/CSU and FDP. The main purpose of the paper is to collect, analyse and interpret information about a current issue in Germany: social and cultural integration of the Turkish minority into the German mainstream culture. The topic is narrowed only to the first two years of the coalition project and focuses mainly on the events shortly before the final agreement and ends with the last occurrences in 2011. The main goal is to answer the main research question how the integration model of the current coalition changed and if there is a new strategy or continuity with the previous governments. The bodies which influence the long-term integration of this group are twofold: on one side are the German ministries and state institutions, on the other are Turkish representatives including those non-governmental organization that have their field of action within Germany. Apart from analysing the primary and secondary sources, expert interviews with relevant representatives of the institutions and distinct researchers will also be presented.

In 2017 an old law recirculated in Germany which illegalized doctors from informing about abortion other than verbally in person. According to previous research on feminist policy change, a removal (liberalization), of the law hinges on: the presence of an autonomous feminist organization, if civil society, norms and a political majority supports the removal. The more of these factors are present the higher the likelihood of liberalization. All these factors were present in the German case but the outcome of the debate and policy process that occurred, a preservation of the law after a one-year long struggle, was highly unexpected. This thesis aims to understand and explain the outcome focussing on the struggle between the confessional and secular government coalition members CDU/CSU and SPD, as the latter, as expected, supported the removal but then unexpectedly voted for preservation. The study is conducted as an abductive explanatory process tracing, concentrates on the factions within the SPD as well as the CDU/CSU throughout the different stages of the process. The main findings are that confessional parties can utilize formal and informal institutions in a parliamentary setting to avoid a substantial liberalization of abortion regulatory laws. The SPD was split on the issue where its leadership, who compromised to keep the government running, overrun the large faction within the party supporting revocation.

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Fondé à Munich en octobre 1946 suite à la réorganisation d’un proto-parti mariant rejet de l’unitarisme autoritaire et provincialisme anti-prussien, le Bayernpartei (BP) se fit après la guerre le courtier des revendications autonomistes bavaroises et le médiateur de l’hostilité populaire à l’égard des réfugiés allemands originaires d’Europe centrale et orientale. Couronné de succès lors des élections fédérales post-dictatoriales de 1949 – à l’occasion desquelles il recueillit 20,9% des voix en Bavière –, il présente la particularité d’avoir subi pendant vingt ans un déclin électoral régulier, et d’avoir totalement cessé d’être « relevant » au sens de Sartori au moment même où l’on assistait à l’échelle européenne, et même occidentale, à un nouvel essor des partis et formations régionalistes procédant du clivage centre/périphérie.Quels sont les déterminants causaux du progressif déclin du Bayernpartei ? Quels facteurs explicatifs apparaissent susceptibles de rendre compte de sa graduelle transformation en ce que Manfred Rowold estime être une simple association folklorique sans importance ? Tel est le questionnement sous-tendant le présent travail de thèse, et auquel l’auteur propose de répondre en se dégageant du rétrospectivisme monocausal, linéariste et exogénéisant dont firent preuve les (rares) politistes ayant tenté de rendre compte de l’étiolement politique passé du parti régionaliste bavarois. / Founded in Munich in October 1946 after the reorganisation of a proto-party combining rejection of authoritarian unitarism and anti-Prussian provincialism, the Bavaria Party (Bayernpartei) appeared after the Second World War as the spreader of the Bavarian claims for autonomy, and as the echo box of popular hostility against German refugees from Central and Eastern Europe. After having been crowned with success at the German federal election of 1949 – on which it collected 20,9% of the votes in Bavaria –, he was affected during two decades by a steady electoral decline, so much so that it completely ceased to be “relevant” in the sense of Sartori at the very time when political scientists were witnessing at European (and even Western) level a new upsurge of regionalist parties and organisations.What are the causal determinants of the progressive decline of the Bavaria Party? What explanatory factors can be advanced to account for its gradual transformation into what Manfred Rowold considers to be a simple and irrelevant folk association? This is the question underlying the present work and to which the author proposes to respond by working on the assumption that it is necessary to break with the monocausal, linearist and exogenousing retrospectivism characterizing the analyses of the (rare) political scientists who have already attempted to explain the withering away of the Bavarian regionalist party.