2020 was the year a pandemic hit the world. Along with that, media was swamped with information about death numbers, epidemiological facts, and an urge to inform people on the current situation. The information campaigns by the Austrian government were no exception. Highlighted in these campaigns were children, especially when it came to the relationship with grandparents or presenting how to keep distance through the display of a baby elephant. A visual analysis of information campaigns was conducted in order to find out how children were presented in these campaigns and to further identify what messages were conveyed in relation to children. Four themes emerged during the research process that gave answers to the research questions posed. The results show that children were shown in relation to their grandparents or their family. Moreover, they were often used to present innocence and in need of protection, but paradoxically also as socially responsible over the health and well-being of the older generation. Often so, they were used mimicking the voice of the initiators of the campaign “Look after yourself, look after me” and even used in relation to distance keeping where a child in a baby elephant costume “taught” adults how to keep distance. Research on children’s representation in media in relation to a pandemic is rather slim and there is an urgent need to gain more knowledge in this area, since this would broaden the awareness of how children are represented and seen by a society the reside within.

The aim of this diploma thesis is the proposal of guerilla campaign in a company Baliarne obchodu Poprad, a.s.. Introduction of the theoretical part explains basic knowledge of advertising, various types of guerilla and serves as a base for empirical part, in which I analyze current status of external and internal environment of the company. Based on identified weaknesses of the comapny is guerilla campaign designed to appeal to wide range of customers, new target group and the mark has become well known throughout the territoty of Slovak republic.

abstract: The current landscape of political speech is ripe for deep philosophical analysis yet has not been thoroughly investigated through the lens of speech-act theory. In this space, I believe I contribute something novel to the area, namely a notion of campaign promises that differs from standard promises that enables a new way of interpreting this kind of speech. Over the course of this paper, it is argued that Campaign Promises (CP) are non-trivially and philosophically distinct from the notion of Standard Promises (SP). There are many philosophical distinctions to draw, including moral, political and logical, but my focus is largely in philosophy of language. I engage the work of Searle, Austin and Wittgenstein among others to investigate what I take to be the following important differences from CP and SP: First, that CP and SP differ in the “best interest” condition, of the condition that a promise must be in the best interest of the promisee in order for that promise to obtain, which in turn, produces the effect of threatening those who do not want the promise to come about. Secondly, that CP serve to reinforce world views in a way that is non-trivially different from SP. To do this, I employ Wittgensteinian language game theory to bridge the gap between traditional Searlian speech act theory to more modern McGowan-style oppressive language models. Through this process I develop and defend this alternative way of understanding and evaluating CP and political speech. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Philosophy 2019

Masters in Public Administration - MPA / In order to make the Masakhane campaign (see definition of terms used) a success, local governments are required to improve service delivery to the previously marginalised communities. Many departments are not able to satisfy the basic needs of the community. They do not possess ample resources nor the staff that are adequately trained and motivated to achieve this objective. A major concern for the City of Cape Town that impacts on service delivery and productivity is the adversarial role between management and workers. The City of Cape Town consist of a heterogenous workforce where white employees have a better chance of being selected for managerial positions and black employees face barriers to equal employment opportunities. These inequalities have enabled labour unions to play a prominent role in creating suspicion among workers when management genuinely tried to bring about change. This change could benefit both the employees of the City of Cape Town as an organisation and the community. Where there has been an attempt by management to train its employees, the training methods used have focused more on the development of tasks related skills. Hardly any thought is given to development of the employee's lifelong skills that he or she will require to interact successfully with the social environment. Employees also find that some training is not relevant to their work practices. Many white managers in the City of Cape Town have a negative attitude towards training of blacks and women and this has hampered the advancement of both groups. During apartheid white males in particular have been trained and constrained by discriminatory work practices and it will take considerable time and effort to change these negative attitudes. Hence the saying "to transform the City of Cape Town city needs to transform itself first" -especially the attitude of its white male management.

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In the railway industry (like other industries), safety awareness campaigns are conducted as intervention programmes for providing educational programmes to change the attitudes and behaviours of the general public that interact with the railway environment. Such educational intervention programmes are ideally achieved by following pedagogical principles that ensure programme quality. However, it seems that even with the use of safety awareness campaigns, the desired safety behaviour among the general public in the railway environment is not yet established. The purpose of this research study was to understand how the Railway Safety Regulator (RSR) – as the custodian of railway safety in South Africa – plans, designs and implements its safety awareness campaigns as an educative process to combat railway-related occurrences involving the general public. As an exploratory study, the researcher applied the industry standard logic model framework (LMF) to guide the process of the investigation and utilised an interpretivist lens to understand the context of the phenomenon investigated. Following a qualitative programme evaluation research approach, a safety awareness campaign was studied as a single case study to understand how the RSR plans and develops their safety awareness campaigns. Six purposively selected RSR employees participated in the study, providing qualitative data through semi-structured interviews and document analysis. The findings of the study conclude that the Regulator’s current practice of conducting awareness campaigns does not reflect an educative process, hence helping to explain why the envisaged change in public behaviour is not attained. / Dissertation (MEd)--University of Pretoria, 2019. / Humanities Education / MEd / Unrestricted

Denna studie genomfördes för att undersöka hur Volvo Trucks som globalt företag i Nordamerika riktar sin kommunikation gentemot mottagare i kampanjfilmer. Varav vi har tittat på två som är skapade med att främst rikta sig till den nordamerikanska publiken och den tredje till den globala. Vi gjorde detta för att undersöka vilka visuella arrangemang man använder sig av för att väcka uppmärksamhet och förtroende på en relativt ny marknad som Nordamerika är. För att göra detta har vi genomfört en kvalitativ intervju med en anställd på kommunikationsavdelningen i Nordamerika. För titta närmare på kampanjfilmerna har vi genomfört en multimodal analys för att undersöka vad vi ser i respektive scen. Våra resultat har visat att Volvo Trucks Nordamerika använder sig av symboler, karaktärer och miljöer i sina kampanjfilmer för att de nordamerikanska mottagarna ska uppleva igenkänning och gemenskap för att få förtroende för företaget. I kampanjfilmen som främst riktar sig till den globala publiken, använder sig däremot Volvo av andra känslor samt igenkänningsfaktorn som spänning och internationella karaktärer för att mottagarna ska uppmärksamma Volvo Trucks som varumärke. / This study was designed to investigate Volvo Trucks in North America's focus in how the company communicates to their target group in their campaigns. We also investigated which visual imagery they use to attract attention and retrieve trust on a relatively new market such as North America. A qualitative interview was performed with an employee at the communication center in North America. A more deeper analysis of the campaigns was made with a multi-modal analysis, which helped us investigate what we see in each scene in the campaigns. The result showed that Volvo Trucks in North America uses symbols, characters and environments in their campaigns in a way that makes north Americans recognition and therefore the company receives trust. While the campaign that is directed to the global public uses other emotions and recognitions like excitement and international character, so more people can feel attachment with the Volvo Truck brand.

The dissertation revealed that pre-colonial animosities and political divisions remained very strong in the political calculation of various ethnic groups in Nigeria and Kenya. This is proven by analyzing the ethnic mobilization campaign strategy adopted by political actors, especially in Nigeria and Kenya. However, it could be shown how debate on national policy issues directed the 2012 presidential election campaign in Ghana, while in Nigeria and Kenya ethnic identity legitimacy rights dominated public discourse and directed voter mobilization in the 2011 and 2007 presidential elections. The dissertation discovered how the collaboration between the media and the public compelled political actors in Ghana to defocus inter-ethnic grievances and concentrate on issues with national policy implications instead. It revealed that the political party alliances and interest alignments, which produced a “coalition of convenience”, were a direct product of ethnicity and religion identity legitimacy rights in two of the three case study countries; namely Nigeria and Kenya. Consequently, campaigns in the focused elections were streamlined to support the political concerns of each group under the premise of solidarity. Voters’ electoral loyalty was focused on ethnic and regional political concerns. In that sense, ethnicity identity legitimacy rights and political interest were raised above policy goals and national interests during the elections in Nigeria and Kenya. By extension, the active political participation of the people was anchored on the ethnic affiliation of the candidates. This was very evident in the observed voting pattern in Nigeria and Kenya. The use of “Ethnicity-centered Mobilization Strategy” was a disservice to democracy and the electoral processes along the 2011 and 2007 elections in both Nigeria and Kenya. The author is convinced that electoral mobilization strategies, oriented towards inter-ethnic grievances, identity legitimacy rights, regional and religious affiliation, were catalysts to the election violence experienced during these presidential elections. The dissertation argues that the desire and privilege to wield political power and authority in the case study societies contributed heavily to the violent mob action that emerged from the focused elections. It shows how campaigns, anchored on inter-ethnic grievances and the desire to exert identity legitimacy rights for political relevance, created ethnic irredentists, religious hard-liners and shaped the mobilization and voter participatory capacity in each ethnic group during the focused elections. The dissertation was able to establish how campaign strategy as used by the political actors through “material and solidarity incentives” drove the electoral processes. To that extend the use of ethnicity-centered solidarity prepared the ground for violent response in Nigeria and Kenya. Nevertheless, the use of a material incentive strategy to lure voters compromised voters’ electoral conscience and subsequently led to commercialization of the elections, especially in Nigeria. Consequently, the binary effects of the strategy are represented in the compromised status of the voters and the commercialization of the processes. The various events as orchestrated by the political actors devalued the elections and democracy itself. The spontaneous eruption of violence in Nigeria and Kenya was as result of campaign strategy as the “Ethnic Alliance” supporting each of the two opposition groups had expected their candidate to win the election in Kenya and Nigeria in 2007 and 2011 respectively. The violent outcome of the Presidential thus confirmed the negative role of “Solidarity Incentive Strategy” as a campaign method in a distressed society. Ethno-regional voter mobilization methods centered on inter-ethnic grievances, as well as religion influenced voter mobilization to achieve electoral success negatively and distorted the basis for violent-free democratic elections in the case study countries.

Introduction. This study produced and evaluated a mass media campaign designed to promote emotional adjustment to divorce. Hypotheses. (a) Sending a promotional newsletter to divorced persons will increase their reported utilization of the campaign. (b) Divorced persons who report heavy utilization of the campaign will report greater emotional improvement than divorced persons who report light or no utilization of the campaign. Method. A field experiment was conducted in rural northern Utah. The names of all recently (less than 12 months) divorced persons were obtained from the county clerk and randomly divided into an experimental group, who received a newsletter promoting the media campaign, and a control group. The five-week media campaign included 10 radio shows, 16 newspaper articles, and 29 television shows. After the campaign, 101 subjects were interviewed regarding their media use. They also completed a posttest and retrospective pretest of anxiety, depression, hostility (measured by the Symptom Check List 90-R), and attachment. Results. The campaign was reportedly used by 77.2% of the subjects. Hypothesis 1 was weakly supported. Subjects who received the newsletter reported using statistically significantly more media events (X = 4.95) than subjects who did not receive the newsletter (X = 3.12). However, the percentage of variance in media use associated with newsletter receipt was only 3.2%. Hypothesis 2 was partially supported. Heavy campaign users (3+ events) reported statistically significantly greater improvements in anxiety, depression, and hostility (but not attachment) than light users (0-2 events). The percentage of variance in emotional improvements associated with media use ranged from 1 to 5%. Those who reportedly spent time with significant others after the divorce reported significantly greater emotional improvements than those who did not spend time with others. The highest degree of reported emotional improvement was reported by those who reported both heavy media use and time spent with significant others, while the lowest degree of emotional improvement was reported by subjects who reported little or no media use and no time spent with confidants.