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"The Politics of Restoration": the Rhetorical Vision of Camelot and Robert F. Kennedy's 1968 CampaignMartin, Marilyn Ann, 1959- 12 1900 (has links)
This study critically analyzed four selected campaign speeches by Robert Kennedy from his 1968 campaign to determine his use of the Camelot myth and his success in portraying himself as the heir apparent to the Kennedy legend. Using procedures adapted from fantasy theme analysis, the rhetorical vision of Camelot was outlined, and the fantasy themes and fantasy types within it were determined. The public persona of Robert Kennedy was also evaluated. Throughout the speeches analyzed, Robert Kennedy invoked themes identified within the rhetorical vision of Camelot. In addition to his own themes of social justice and reconciliation, Kennedy promoted his brother's legend. Chaining evidence provided proof of the public's participation in the rhetorical vision demonstrating Kennedy's success with these themes.
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Analýza a zhodnocení lokální marketingové kampaně "Vyrobené na Slovensku". / Analysis of local marketing campaign Made in Slovakia.Šmotková, Vendula January 2015 (has links)
The diploma thesis focuses on local marketing campaign Made in Slovakia, created by international pharmaceutical company GlaxoSmithKline Ltd. The primary aim of this paper is to analyze a evaluate success of the campaign, which was created locally for the Slovak market. This paper is divided into several parts. The theoretical part deals with marketing communication, communication mix and evaluating of the effectiveness of marketing campaigns. The following chapter is focused on the issue of local and global marketing campaigns in connection with marketing communication. The practical part then introduces company GSK Ltd. and marketing campaign Made in Slovakia. The major part describes several phases of its preparation and implementation. Next section is devoted to the success and effectiveness of the campaign, based on sales data and the results of consumer promotion. The final chapter summarizes the key results and solutions of improving this area, especially for creating new GSK marketing campaigns.
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A curriculum innovation in South African schools: teachers’ perspectives on the process of implementing the “foundations for learning campaign” in the foundation and intermediate phases in the Uthungulu DistrictGovender, Samantha January 2013 (has links)
Submitted to the Faculty of Education in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education in the Department of Curriculum & Instructional Studies
at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 2013. / This study is aimed at understanding the efficacy of the implementation of the national curriculum
innovations called “Foundations for Learning Campaign” in schools under uThungulu District, within the
province of KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa. Furthermore, it included assessing the level of preparedness
of educators in their teaching of basic skills in the classroom and identifying the gaps in the dissemination
and implementation of curriculum innovations. The view upheld within this study was that ‘the use of
alternative strategies to implement national curriculum innovations in schools is of no use if the school
practitioners are sidelined in the development, planning and organisation processes of the innovation.”
The study targeted foundation and intermediate phase teachers from grades one to six teaching
numeracy/literacy and languages/mathematics, from whom a sample of 120 teachers was purposefully
selected as they were the initial focus of the Foundations for Learning Campaign. Both qualitative and
quantitative methods were employed in the collection of data.
The findings revealed that majority of the educators were not adequately equipped with skills and
expertise to implement the Foundations for Learning Campaign effectively and efficiently in the
classroom. Inadequate preparation was due to the following reasons: lack of sufficient time allocated for
training, inappropriate and irrelevant training and inadequately trained facilitators. In addition, there is a
lack of professional development programmes and school-based activities to enhance the teaching and
learning of basic skills. Inadequate supervision, monitoring and support from both the staff management
team and subject advisors/specialists predominantly prevailed during the implementation of the
Foundations for Learning Campaign. Furthermore, the model used to cascade the national curriculum
innovation to schools identified within the study was inadequate for the efficacious implementation of the
Foundations for Learning Campaign.
The study recommends that: teacher orientation, training and support processes should be refined; a high
teacher-pupil ratio needs to be phased out and discouraged; a variety of quality Learner Teacher Support
Material should be readily available and easily accessible to educators in the classroom to enhance the
teaching and learning of languages and mathematics; on-going supervision, monitoring and support from
the staff management team and subject advisors/specialists are necessary with regards to curriculum
implementation; and finally professional development programmes and school based activities currently
in place need to be evaluated and reviewed.
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Mobilization Nation: Mass Movements in the People's Republic of ChinaBarnes, Melvin L., Jr. 22 August 2013 (has links)
No description available.
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The Front Porch of the American People: James Cox and the Presidential Election of 1920Faykosh, Joseph D. 11 December 2009 (has links)
No description available.
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How Super PACs Supercharge Fundraising and Spending for Candidates in Presidential PrimariesMaglio, Domenic 01 January 2024 (has links) (PDF)
The explosion of super PAC activity in presidential primaries since the 2012 election cycle prompts an examination of these organizations’ behavior and its effects on other types of committees. Specifically, this study investigates how fundraising and spending efforts by candidate-specific super PACs, or single-candidate super PACs, benefit their supported candidate’s principal campaign committee. Integrating data from the Federal Election Commission (FEC), Federal Communications Commission (FCC), and various qualitative sources, this study explores how candidate-specific super PACs are progressively exploiting their unique legal structure to fundraise for themselves and their candidate’s authorized committee. The probing reveals that candidate-specific super PACs steer contributions toward campaign committees through a process where soft money is transformed into hard dollars for the campaign to spend. Ordinary least squares and probit regression analysis are also used to determine whether the financial strength of candidate-specific super PACs relative to their candidate’s authorized committee influences the number and types of basic campaign activities the super PAC undertakes. The results indicate that the more a super PAC spends compared to its linked campaign, the more it will engage in more traditional campaign activities and have a greater probability of shouldering particular persuasion and get-out-the-vote (GOTV) efforts. The study’s synthesized findings suggest that the financial activities of candidate-specific super PACs in a presidential nomination contest significantly and increasingly facilitate the operations of presidential hopefuls’ campaigns.
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Micro-ciblage et polarisation partisane lors de l'élection canadienne de 2015Lavigne, Mathieu 04 1900 (has links)
No description available.
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La mobilisation des jeunes sur les réseaux sociaux pendant les campagnes électorales : l'analyse comparative entre la France et la Russie / Mobilization of young people on social networks during the election campaigns : comparative analysis between France and RussiaPechenkina, Ekaterina 16 December 2016 (has links)
La présente thèse propose une analyse et une systématisation de l’utilisation des réseaux sociaux en période électorale tant au niveau national que local. Ainsi seront étudiées les techniques numériques utilisées, les formes et les méthodes de communication politique « en ligne » au cours des campagnes présidentielles de 2012 en France et en Russie et les campagnes municipales à Bordeaux et à Moscou en 2014 et 2013. Seront donc comparés les ressorts utilisés dans deux pays différents et qui ont permis de transformer les grands réseaux sociaux tels que Facebook, Twitter, Instagram et VKontakte en outils de rassemblement politique attirant de nombreux jeunes à participer activement au processus de campagne.Des entretiens réalisés avec des responsables des mouvements politiques français de Gironde tels ceux des Jeunes socialistes, des Jeunes Populaires et ceux du Front National, il ressort que l’activité numérique en France relève d’un caractère constructif. Ils servent à attirer et mobiliser la jeunesse de moins de 30 ans autours des candidats et de leurs partis grâce à un support en ligne mais s’accompagnent d’un militantisme de terrain, dans la vie réelle.En revanche, il apparaît qu’en Russie, le niveau élevé et l’influence de ces jeunes sur Internet fournit un soutien pour les nouvelles institutions de la société civile. Le succès de la mobilisation des jeunes appartenant à la classe moyenne urbaine relève d’une combinaison de « citoyenneté » et de « massification » de la protestation sur le réseau.En 2013, la volonté et mobilisation active des jeunes dans le projet politique à permis l’émergence de l’opposant Alekseï Navalny, qui a réuni 27% des suffrages et atteint la seconde place aux élections municipales de Moscou. La quasi intégralité de sa campagne a été effectuée sur les réseaux sociaux. Si le fait est courant pour nombre de ses homologues occidentaux, il convient de relever que ce n’est pas habituel pour les politiciens russes. Cette campagne « révolutionnaire » d’A. Navalny a été rendue possible par le fort soutien des jeunes Moscovites qu’il a pu mobiliser sur le plus grand réseau russe : VKontakte. L’organisation de la campagne s’est presque entièrement fondée sur l’utilisation des réseaux sociaux, tant pour la distribution de tracts dans les rues, que la sensibilisation et les collectes de dons. / This thesis will focus on the analysis and systematization of the use of social networks in the presidential campaigns, both in France and in Russia in 2012, as well as in the municipal campaigns in Bordeaux and Moscow, in 2014 and 2013 respectively. The development of this thesis will also include the basic use of technologies, as well as the forms and methods of political online communication at the actual stage of their development.In this thesis, the examination of the political mechanisms used in France and Russia will be carried out in order to assess how social networks such as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and VKontakte have developed into a powerful tool, with their main aim being to attract more and more young people to actively participate in the election campaigns as well as the voting process in general.Through the conduction of interviews with the chiefs of French Youth Movements, such as the Young Socialists (Gironde), the People’s Young (Gironde), and the Young of National Front (Gironde), we have found that these movements tend to have an overall peaceful nature in France. They aim to attract and mobilize young people (of up to 30 years old) to provide support both online and in the real world, for candidates of the major French political parties, namely the UMP, the Socialist Party and the National Front.In comparison, in Russia, the high level presence and influence of Youth Movements on the Internet provides support for new institutions forming in civil society. The success of the youth mobilization from the urban middle class can be explained by the combination of “civic consciousness” and “massive involvement”.In 2013, young Russians mobilized for active participation in the political life of Alexei Navalny, one of the leaders of the Russian opposition, who managed to obtain 27% of the votes in the municipal elections of Moscow, the equivalent to second place. His «revolutionary” electoral campaign was predominantly transmitted through social networks, notably through the use of VKontakte (the largest social network in Russia), in order to gain a large amount of support from young Moscovites. This action is deemed to be very uncommon among Russian politicians, and is more likely to be seen among Western homologues. Consequently, this led to the distribution of leaflets in the streets, in the subway, going door-to-door, as well as organizing the collection of donations for the campaign across networks.
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The information front: the Canadian Army, public relations, and war news during the Second World WarBalzer, Timothy John 02 March 2009 (has links)
War news and public relations (PR) was a critical consideration for the Canadian Army during the Second World War. The Canadian Army developed its PR apparatus from nothing to an efficient publicity machine by war’s end, despite a series of growing pains. Canadian Military Headquarters in London appointed the first PR Officer, William Abel, in January 1940. PR services overseas grew along with the size of the army. The early days were marked by lack of coordination and often jurisdictional and personality conflicts between Abel and the other PR Officers and organizations. The 19 August 1942 Dieppe raid was the low point for both the accuracy of war news and Canadian PR involvement because Lord Mountbatten’s Combined Operations Headquarters minimized Canadian PR’s involvement in planning. This resulted in early portrayals of the raid as successful and the British censored a more honest explanation by the Canadian Army. The Sicilian and Italian campaigns provided a learning experience for the PR units. In Sicily, the news coverage of the Canadians was a public success, but PR had trouble with their allies in gaining national recognition and representation. Additionally, the question of correspondents’ priorities and delays getting to the front and transportation difficulties angered the press. Many of these problems continued in Italy until the appointment of Richard Malone, who enjoyed support from the politicians, press, and military. Applying the Mediterranean experience and participating in Allied publicity planning contributed to the excellence of Canadian PR during the Northwest Europe Campaign. PR maintained the confidence of the press while still controlling the correspondents. The army also largely overcame the temptation to censor bad news although this sometimes embarrassed Ottawa. Allied regulations sanitized war news preventing the reporting of the more disturbing aspects of war. Through censorship, the army exercised a great deal of control over the news media, yet this hegemony was incomplete because of need to keep the press friendly. Although a large sceptical minority remained, most Canadians considered their war news to be accurate. In sum, Canadian Army PR was generally successful, portraying the army positively and attracting media coverage.
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Digitální marketing na B2B trhu. / Digital marketing on the B2B market.MARTINÁK, Petr January 2018 (has links)
The aim of my diploma thesis was to design a digital campaign for Atos IT Solutions and Services, s.r.o., which offers solutions in the B2B market. In the theoretical part of the thesis I have described the concepts related to marketing, digital marketing, the tools used in this field and the steps that the digital campaign goes through, Market analysis, SWOT analysis, campaign goals, target group, campaign budget. In the analytical part, I introduced Atos IT Solutions and Services, s.r.o. company, which operates in the IT sector and offers digital solutions to other companies that are active on the Czech market. At the beginning of this chapter, I analyzed the company's existing marketing activities so that we could, if necessary, build on the company's current activities.
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