Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-21T14:43:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Camilla Quesada Tavares.pdf: 1273987 bytes, checksum: 09f82944f10538d22f458526f5a29c61 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-02-07 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The purpose of this paper is to analyze the personalities that appear in the first round of the election campaigns for the presidency of Brazil taken from the political free advertising time (HGPE) of the two major brazilian parties, PT and PSDB, in the years of 2002, 2006, and 2010. The choice for the first round was made because that is the time in which each party tries to get more attention than the others. At this stage, all parties compete against each other and the two parties that get more attention from the voters reach the second round. This happens on the assumption that candidates tend to approach the same issues during the TV programs and the personal factors can generate greater prominence for them. One of the strategies used is the presence of people of political and social prestige appearing on HGPE to express support for the candidate. Some of these people can be called patrons, due to their characteristics. This research intends to see which personalities appeared in the television campaign in the three elections chosen. The study of a specific figure within the campaign on television is justified because it is believed that the personal aspects of the candidates and the people who participate in the campaign tend to influence the voters' choice, since the thematic elements are not the only factors that help the voting decision. The main hypothesis is that PT and PSDB use the patron in different ways. Also, there is the strategy used to build the image of the candidate, which aims to qualify him/her as the best voting option by showing the voters their personal attributes. The methodology is based on discourse analysis studies by Charaudeau (2008), supported by quantitative method as a way to complement the analysis. In general, research has shown that there is a strong presence of political figures and social programs in the three years, but only two personalities can be consdered patrons. In 2002, there was a strong presence of artists in the PSDB programs, but none of them can be considered a social patron. 2006 was the year in which political figures appeared the most in the PSDB programs, but only as means of support. Only in 2010 appears the type of electoral patron in HGPE, such as Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, on Dilma Rousseff's programs. / Este trabalho se propõe a fazer uma análise das personalidades presentes no primeiro turno das campanhas eleitorais de candidatos à Presidência da República a partir do Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral (HGPE) dos dois principais partidos brasileiros, PT e PSDB, nos anos de 2002, 2006 e 2010. Optou-se pelo estudo do primeiro turno porque se acredita que é o momento em que os candidatos mais precisam se destacar um dos outros. Nesta etapa, todos concorrem contra todos e os dois que conseguirem chamar a atenção entre os eleitores chega ao segundo turno. Parte-se do pressuposto de que os candidatos tendem a abordar os mesmos temas durante os programas, portanto o fator personalista pode gerar maior destaque a eles. Umas dessas estratégias é a presença de pessoas de prestígio político/social que aparecem no HGPE para manifestar apoio ao candidato. Algumas dessas pessoas podem ser chamadas de patrono, devido às suas características. Sendo assim, a pesquisa pretende, então, verificar quais personalidades apareceram na campanha televisiva das três eleições escolhidas. O estudo sobre uma figura específica, dentro da campanha eleitoral na televisão, se justifica por acreditar-se que os aspectos pessoais dos candidatos e pessoas que participam da campanha tendem a influenciar a escolha do eleitor, já que não são apenas os elementos temáticos que ajudam na decisão do voto. A hipótese principal é a de que o patrono é explorado de maneira distinta nos programas do PT e PSDB, sendo esta uma estratégia utilizada para construir a imagem do candidato, a qual tem por finalidade qualificá-lo como melhor opção de voto, além de mostrar seus atributos pessoais aos eleitores. A metodologia utilizada é a análise do discurso baseada nos estudos de Charaudeau (2008), amparada pelo método quantitativo como forma de complementar a análise. De maneira geral, a pesquisa mostrou que é forte a presença de personalidades políticas e sociais nos programas dos três anos, mas poucas podem ser consideradas patronos. No ano de 2002, verificou-se a presença de muitos artistas nos programas do PSDB, mas nenhum deles pode ser considerado patrono social. O ano de 2006 foi o que mais apareceram personalidades políticas nos programas do PSDB, mas apenas como forma de apoio. Já o PT não utilizou essa estratégia. Somente em 2010 é que aparece o tipo de patrono eleitoral com frequência no HGPE, com Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, nos programas de Dilma Rousseff.

In this dissertation was examined the hydraulic pattern of media-priming effects by looking into Granger causality (a statistical test to determine if one time series is useful in forecasting another) between media coverage and the importance of issues people perceive. The hydraulic pattern hypothesis, an argument that increase in the importance of an issue is accompanied by decrease in a similar amount of importance, is embedded in most media-effect theories but has rarely been tested. To test the causality with media coverage, time series of six issues and six candidate variables were created. This research is distinct from previous studies of priming in that it tests aggregate-level influence of media coverage on popular evaluation of political-campaign candidate in a long-term setting. In the findings, media coverage of issues induced changes in the Granger-caused issue-weight of the issue that it covered, confirming the main effects of priming. The hydraulic pattern was also confirmed. Active media coverage of an issue, induced Granger-caused changes in five other issue-weights. It was found that it takes 7–8 days after the media coverage to establish a causal relationship of priming effects. vii In another finding, the result showed that the time-lag of the hydraulic pattern preceded the main priming effects. As regards the debated relationship of priming effects with political knowledge, this research found that high knowledge groups are more susceptible to the main priming effects. However, the impact of political knowledge on the hydraulic pattern was the opposite. This means that less knowledgeable people may be more vulnerable; that is, they are more likely to lose sight of other issues when the media primes a certain issue. In the test of attribute priming, the causality of the hydraulic pattern was also established to a lesser degree. Especially, personality-related candidate attributes like trustworthiness were robust regarding the hydraulic-pattern effects. In all of these analyses, the measurement of optimal time-lag was utilized instead of the durability concept used in previous studies. With this study design and new measurements, this research contributes to the literature by providing new insight into the theoretical conundrums related to priming theory. One of such insight is that the priming effects that matter at the poll, are relatively slow and deliberative processes, and are differentiated from the temperamental daily effects of news. / text

The direct election of the president is political, politological and also constitutional-legal topic which has already accompanied for many years. It appears always in connection with the presidential elections, but also as a part of the parliamentary election campaign. February 2012 interrupted the regularity and direct presidential election was approved. The first direct presidential election was held in January 2013. This term preceded by a long election campaign of candidates, persuading voters and several lawsuits. The first direct presidential election won one of the most probable winners - Miloš Zeman.

U.S. politics, media, and citizens are highly polarized, stipulating that society is divided between Democrats and Republicans (Hameleers, 2019). The U.S. has seen an increased political polarization over the past 25 years (Heltzel & Laurin, 2020; Westfall, Van Boven, Chambers, & Judd, 2015). Technological development in the campaign environment has fueled this political polarization (Hong & Kim, 2016). In such a polarized technological society, partisan news media cover political issues and events from their ideological perspective (Arceneaux, Johnson, & Murphy, 2012), which may affect the polarized citizens.The Republican Party is conservative, while the Democratic Party is liberal (Westfall, Van Boven, Chambers, & Judd, 2015). Each party has issue agendas that they prioritize during the campaign. When political campaigns post a message on social media, they not only post just one issue but several related issues. These interlinked issues have a networked effect on the partisan news media and the polarized citizens (McCombs, Shaw, & Weaver, 2014). How political campaigns interlinked different issue agendas during campaigns in a polarized environment has not been investigated. This study intends to see the similarities and dissimilarities between the Democratic and Republican Party issue networks using a network agenda setting theory during the 2020 U.S. presidential campaign and how they build and set networked issue agendas in the partisan news media and the polarized public on Facebook. The study uses a hybrid content analysis and network analysis of issue agendas presented by the Biden and Trump campaigns, partisan media (CNN and Fox News), and the Democratic Party and the Republican Party supporters on Facebook. Facebook posts are collected using Facebook’s CrowdTangle Search option from January 1, 2021, to November 3, 2020. This study uses a hybrid content analysis method which engages with both human coders and computational means to analyze big data sets (Guo et al., 2016). The data analysis involves measuring core-periphery block model, clique analysis, network visualization, and Quadratic Assignment Procedures (QAP). A social networking analysis software, UCINET, is used for measuring core-periphery block model, clique analysis, and QAP correlations(Borgatti, Everett, & Johnson, 2018). The scholarship of political campaign communication needs to reconnect to the ideological positions of political campaigns, partisan news media, and party supporters. This holistic study is significant in terms of better understanding the mechanism of networked agenda-setting activities of presidential campaigns in a polarized environment on Facebook. Methodologically, this study offers new techniques for investigating networked issue agendas of campaigns, news media, and citizens. It uses core-periphery block model and clique analysis as indicators of network agenda building and network agenda-setting influences. Social media practitioners like campaign managers can consider the political polarization, fragmented nature of social media, and polarized audience during political campaigning.

- Direct presidential election in the Czech Republic: reasons, conditions, consequences This diploma thesis is concerned with different aspects of implementation of the direct presidential election in the Czech Republic. It is aimed to discover the actual reasons for passing the Constitutional Act No. 71/2012 Coll., which introduces this institute into the Czech constitutional system. For the purpose of doing so, the thesis is divided into three parts. The first one presents and evaluates particular arguments (historical, political, constitutional, legal etc.), which were used by the proponents of this institute on one hand and by its opponents on the other. The content of the second part is the most extensive as it follows up the comparison of bills attempting to implement the direct presidential election into the Constitutional Act since 2001 up to the present. Therefore this part contains thirteen bills in total, including the one, which later becomes the Act No. 71/2012 Coll. Individual bills are compared and contrasted. The pertinent political and social circumstances accompanying their origin are also briefly mentioned. As the result of this comparison the author comes to the conclusion that the true motive to pass the Constitutional Act No. 71/2012 Coll does not lie in its content or its...

The direct election of the president is political, politological and also constitutional-legal topic which has already accompanied for many years. It appears always in connection with the presidential elections, but also as a part of the parliamentary election campaign. February 2012 interrupted the regularity and direct presidential election was approved. What this step will have impact on functioning of the Czech political system, will turn up in 2013 when the authority will take the first Czech president elected in direct elections. But the majority of constitutional lawyers and political scientists agree that the introduction of direct elections in the Czech Republic is not solving the existing problems, and therefore they express fears how the chase will affect the functioning of the system as a whole. Keywords: direct presidential elections, powers, legitimacy, political system, presidential campaign

This dissertation analyzes the discourse of Obama’s speeches to argue my thesis that Obama won election by virtue of his rhetorical speechmaking but more specifically, his ability to manage race in those speeches. I define and refer to Obama’s rhetorical handling of race in his speechmaking throughout the campaign as the rhetoric of race management. By rhetorical race management, I mean the strategic use of race (or obfuscation of race) in one’s discourse to manage or affect the audience’s beliefs or opinions of the listener. From a communication-based standpoint, understanding how race operated in this election requires us to examine the history of racism in the United States as well as critical scholarly work on the subject. Understanding how Obama was able to manage race in his rhetoric is necessary because it forces us to perhaps reexamine and scrutinize the 2008 Presidential election more carefully for several reasons. As rhetorical scholars, if we are in the business of understanding how our icons and politicians can potentially manipulate and use our rhetorical signs and symbols against us—or in spite of us--it is in our best interest to understand why the process occurred and why we allowed it to happen. I suggest that Obama’s deliberate attempt to weave ideological constructs like patriotism and the American Dream into his campaign strategy obfuscated his representation as the marginalized “other” and created a new political identity that has little to do with marginalization. By examining the theories of scholars like Kenneth Burke, Henry Louis Gates Jr., Walter Fisher, and Dana Cloud, I outline how race and racism historically operated in our political elections, from both a sociopolitical, or quantitative perspective, as well as a critical perspective. By using a multimethod analysis, we are better positioned to understand how Barack Obama successfully played the race card in the Presidential Election of 2008. More importantly, I argue in my conclusion why his use of rhetorical race management, was absolutely necessary if he were to become the first African-American president in a historically racist country. / text

The thesis Anti-immigrant Rhetoric and the Concept of National Identity in the French Presidential Campaign in 2012 is focused on the political discourse of three main candidates of the French presidential campaign in 2012 (Marine Le Pen, Nicolas Sarkozy and François Hollande). The aim of the research is to analyze the image of immigration and immigrants and on the other hand French and national identity in the discourse of the politicians. As methodological basis for the research critical discourse analysis was selected, completed by analysis of metaphors. The thesis is based on the theoretical framework composed of the following concepts: 1/ discursive reproduction of the racism by so called symbolic elites, 2/ new racism and 3/ construction of national identity. The thesis also presents the social and political context of the election. The main objective of the research is to answer the following research questions: How does the political discourse of presidential candidates deepen the gap between positive self-presentation and negative presentation of the others? And to which extent in the discourse of individual candidates can it be seen? The thesis describes specific topics, topoi and discursive strategies which are used by the candidates.

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