Since the 1970s, historians of British Columbia representing various ideological schools and methodological approaches have debated the role of race in the provinces history. Many of the earlier works discussed whether race or class was the primary determinant in social relations while more recent works have argued that factors such as race, class, and gender combined in different ways and in different situations to inform group interactions. However, the application of these terms in describing aspects of the thoughts and actions of non-Western peoples can be problematic. This thesis attempts to approach the question of race and its role in British Columbias past from the perspective of the Indigenous population of the Lower Fraser River watershed from 1828 (the establishment of the first Hudsons Bay Company post on the Fraser River) to the 1920s, examining shifting notions of the way Aboriginal epistemologies have conceived of otherness through contact between Stó:lõ people and Euro-Canadian and -American, Hawaiian, Chinese, and Japanese immigrants. The main contention is that, contrary to the historiographys depictions of unified and static interactions with newcomers, Stó:lõ people held complex and dynamic notions of otherness when newcomers arrived with the fur trade, and that such concepts informed interactions with people from throughout the Pacific. Numerous factors informed the ways in which Stó:lõ people approached and engaged in relationships with newcomers, but the strongest ones originated in Stó:lõ cultural and historical understanding of others rather than in the racial ideas of Euro-Canadians. <p>Following a discussion of the historiography of race relations and Native-Newcomer interactions in British Columbia, this thesis examines relationships during the fur trade between Hawaiian men employed at Fort Langley and Kwantlen people; the ways in which Stó:lõ people grouped the miners who came to the Fraser Canyon in 1858; Stó:lõ peoples interactions with Chinese immigrants from the 1860s through the 1880s; and the ways in which the presence of Japanese and Chinese Canadians influenced how Stó:lõ leaders articulated their claims to rights and title in the first decades of the twentieth century. It concludes that Aboriginal relations with non-Europeans took a different path than relations with Europeans. Several factors contributed to the branching of paths, including pre-contact views of <i> outsiders</i>, kinship ties in the fur trade, economic competition, and the unsettled Indian Land Question. Moreover, the different relationships must be seen as affecting the other, making understanding the nature of Aboriginal associations with non-Europeans an important part of making sense of aspects of Aboriginal relations with Europeans.

This thesis examines the role of photography in making the Canadian Pacific Railway company (CPR) an integral part of Canadian mythology. It focuses on the company's photographic advertising in the 1920s, and the ways in which its increasingly nationalistic transcontinental brochures framed the country, and equated the act of travelling with nation-building and national identity. / The CPR's tourist brochures established a visual vocabulary of the travelling experience, which was readily employed by individuals such as Montreal journalist Frank Randall Clarke. Clarke was sponsored by the CPR to travel across the country in the summer of 1929. His journalistic writing and personal photograph album allow for a rich analysis of the visual culture of the period, and they will be used to illustrate the ways in which the CPR represented Canadian progress, immigration, and tourism.

The construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR) was not a conquest of man over nature as some historians have suggested and the driving of the last spike did not cement that victory. By studying the CPR from an environmental perspective, it becomes obvious that the relationship between the people and the environment in the mountains was two-fold: workers had an effect on the environment through fires, deforestation, excavation, and blasting, and the environment likewise had an effect on workers through the hardships of weather, challenging terrain, avalanches, and floods. Shortcuts, such as steep grades and wooden bridges, taken by the CPR throughout construction to save money and time, as well as the poor route choice, had unintended consequences for the operation of the railway. Massive deforestation and fires had repercussions for the watershed of the eastern Rocky Mountains and the choice of Rogers Pass meant that the CPR had to deal with numerous avalanches and deep snow. Steep grades and lines that were easily flooded or open to avalanches resulted in the deaths of numerous workers and expensive repairs to engines and the track. The construction of the CPR also had a notable impact on western Canada as it opened up the land to tourism, settlement, agriculture, and the lumber and mining industries. In building and operating the line, the CPR had to learn to adapt to the environment in order to carry out repairs quickly and get trains through.

The Quebec City festivals of 1927 and 1928 represent a unique instance of close collaboration between prominent figures in Canadian musical and cultural history, John Murray Gibbon and Marius Barbeau. Based on Anglocentric concerns for a unique Canadian identity and corresponding school of composition, the festivals served as points of contact between many artists and performers, including Juliette Gauthier and Florence Glenn. An analysis of specific performances at the CPR festivals and over the course of Glenn and Gauthier’s respective careers showcase how racialized attitudes towards Indigenous populations, and the static conceptualization of French-Canadian folk culture were navigated to perform “Canadian folksong.”

In 1887, following the completion of the CPR to the Pacific, William Stewart Drewry took part in the Topographical Survey of Canada's first experiment with photographic surveying, which he applied to the Rocky Mountain Railway Belt. He then surveyed the rich mining districts of BC during the Kootenay hardrock mining boom (1893-1909). In 1909, he became BC's first and only Chief Water Commissioner and, in 1911, he returned to surveying as BC's Inspector of Surveys. From 1913 until his retirement in 1929, he surveyed for government and in private practice. Throughout his career, Drewry operated between two land systems: first, a system based on customary rights and local obligations; and, second, a system based on private property and market exchange. Drewry implemented the latter capitalist system, attempting to empower the settlement society, which had the effect of ensuring corporate dominance and, to Drewry's dismay, monopolization of the BC landscape.