This thesis proposes a novel theory to account for the structural Case facts in Standard Arabic (SA). It argues that structural Nom and Acc Cases are licensed by Verbal Case (VC). Thus it argues against the proposal that structural Case in SA is licensed as a reflex of phi-agreement (Schütze 1997 and Chomsky 2001 crosslinguistically, and Soltan 2007 for SA), and also against the view that structural Case is a [uT] feature on the DP (Pesetsky & Torrego 2001, 2004). After arguing against these two approaches, it is shown that verbless sentences, where the verb is not licensed (by VC), do not witness the licensing of structural Case. Thus verbless sentences provide a context where verbs are not licensed, similar to the embedded subject position of control verbs like ‘try’ (where lexical DPs are not licensed). Investigation of the SA verbal system reveals that SA verbs are licensed through Case checking/assignment by verbal particles. Thus, like DPs, verbs receive a form of Case, which I call VC, represented as unvalued [VC] features on I and v*. Since the VC-assigning particles are Comp elements, I propose that [VC] is valued on I and v* by a valued [VC] feature on Fin (via Agree), which enables I and v* to value the [Case] features on the subject and object as Nom and Acc, respectively. Thus the DP is licensed by the same feature that licenses the verb, which is VC. Given the observation that [T], [phi], and [Mood] do not license Case in SA, I argue for two types of finiteness, Infl-finiteness, related to [T], [Mood], and [phi], and Comp-finiteness, related to [VC]. To account for the Case facts in various SA sentence types, I propose that Fin0 has a [VC] feature iff it selects an XP that has (at least) one I-finiteness feature ([T], [Mood], [phi]) and a categorial [V] feature.

This thesis proposes a novel theory to account for the structural Case facts in Standard Arabic (SA). It argues that structural Nom and Acc Cases are licensed by Verbal Case (VC). Thus it argues against the proposal that structural Case in SA is licensed as a reflex of phi-agreement (Schütze 1997 and Chomsky 2001 crosslinguistically, and Soltan 2007 for SA), and also against the view that structural Case is a [uT] feature on the DP (Pesetsky & Torrego 2001, 2004). After arguing against these two approaches, it is shown that verbless sentences, where the verb is not licensed (by VC), do not witness the licensing of structural Case. Thus verbless sentences provide a context where verbs are not licensed, similar to the embedded subject position of control verbs like ‘try’ (where lexical DPs are not licensed). Investigation of the SA verbal system reveals that SA verbs are licensed through Case checking/assignment by verbal particles. Thus, like DPs, verbs receive a form of Case, which I call VC, represented as unvalued [VC] features on I and v*. Since the VC-assigning particles are Comp elements, I propose that [VC] is valued on I and v* by a valued [VC] feature on Fin (via Agree), which enables I and v* to value the [Case] features on the subject and object as Nom and Acc, respectively. Thus the DP is licensed by the same feature that licenses the verb, which is VC. Given the observation that [T], [phi], and [Mood] do not license Case in SA, I argue for two types of finiteness, Infl-finiteness, related to [T], [Mood], and [phi], and Comp-finiteness, related to [VC]. To account for the Case facts in various SA sentence types, I propose that Fin0 has a [VC] feature iff it selects an XP that has (at least) one I-finiteness feature ([T], [Mood], [phi]) and a categorial [V] feature.

The New Labor Procedure Act has generated many changes in the structure of the labor process itself: It has turned from being written and unfocused to become now an oral and concentrated one. As a consequence, there's only once chance for convincing the Judge.This article covers the strategy to be followed in this new process, from the strategy itself to the allegations, in order to generate certainty in the judge whom will solve the case. / La Nueva Ley Procesal del Trabajo ha generado cambios muy amplios en la estructura delproceso mismo: Ha pasado de ser un proceso escrito y desconcentrado a convertirse en uno oral y concentrado. Como consecuencia de ello, existe una única oportunidad de convencer al Juez.El presente artículo abarca la estrategia que debe seguirse en este nuevo proceso, desde la formulación de la estrategia misma hasta los alegatos, a efectos de generar convicción en el juzgador que resolverá el caso.

The right of freedom of association, nowadays, is considered a fundamental right of workers. However, and though it has been internationallyrecognized in several   Covenants of the International Labor Organization, it has been a tendency among Latin American governments to limit the exercise of this freedom.In the present article, the author criticizes what he considers to be an excessive regulation of the exercise of the right of freedom of association by workers, present in almost every country in the region. These limitations are manifested through constitutional or legal restrictions to the formation of labor unions, union unity regimes and difficulties for the constitution of labor unions. In that way, he calls for the guarantee of the right of freedom of association for workers in Latin America. / El derecho a la libertad sindical es considerado, hoy en día, como un derecho fundamental del trabajador. Sin embargo, y a pesar de estar reconocido internacionalmente en diversos Convenios de la Organización Internacional del Trabajo, ha sido una tendencia de los gobiernos latinoamericanos la limitación del ejercicio de la libertad sindical.En el presente artículo, el autor hace una crítica a lo que él considera una excesiva regulación del ejercicio de la libertad sindical presente en casi todos los ordenamientos jurídicos de la región. Estas limitaciones se manifestarían a través de restricciones constitucionales o legales a la formación de sindicatos, regímenes de unicidad sindical y trabas a la constitución de los mismos. De ese modo, hace un necesario llamado a la garantía del derecho a la libertad sindical en Latinoamérica.

In this thesis, I develop a lexicon-syntactic study about the internal structure of the personal pronouns in Brazilian Portuguese (henceforth BP), aiming the investigation of which the formative features of a pronoun in BP are and their relationship with the syncretism phenomenon. Empirically, I show a description of the internal structure of the personal pronouns in BP, showing that the traditional φ-features which build a pronoun (person, number and gender) are actually categories which bare more elemental features which define the content and the shape of a pronoun. More elementary component structures of the categories person, number and gender are able to describe satisfactorily the pronoun paradigm in BP. Therefore, the different pronouns (and their syntactic roles) can be described through their inner composition, holding some features, such as [SPECIFIC], once considered out of their structure. Theoretically, I define which elementary formative features that form a pronoun are, how this composition is made and which its syntactic consequences are. To do so, I adopt a feature geometry developed based on Harley & Ritter (2002) and Béjar (2003)`s proposals. I assume, then, that the pronoun formative features obey a hierarchy which is based on underspecification. The φ-theory proposed by Béjar (2003; 2008) supports adequately the pronoun compositionality developed for BP. Likewise, decomposition for Case categories is made as an optimal solution for Case configuration, which takes into account evidence from languages like English and BP, which present Case differences only in their personal pronouns. Case, then, is treated geometrically, analogue to that proposed to φ-features. As a result, Case categories in BP obey the geometry [C[OBL[GEN][ABL]]]. A value mechanism for these features is proposed also analogue to the one for φ-features. / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Nesta tese, desenvolvo um estudo lexico-sintático sobre a estrutura interna dos pronomes pessoais em Português Brasileiro (doravante PB), visando investigar quais são os traços formativos do pronome em PB e sua relação com o fenômeno do sincretismo. Empiricamente, apresento uma descrição da estrutura interna dos pronomes pessoais em PB, mostrando que os tradicionais traços φ (pessoa, número e gênero) componentes destes pronomes são na verdade elementos categoriais que comportam traços mais elementares os quais definem tanto o conteúdo quanto a forma do pronome. Estruturas componentes mais atômicas das categorias pessoa, número e gênero são capazes de descrever satisfatóriamente o paradigma pronominal em PB. Assim, os diferentes pronomes (e os papéis que eles desempenham na sintaxe) podem ser descritos através de sua composição interna, compreendendo alguns traços, como [SPECIFIC], por exemplo, outrora considerados externos ao conjunto de traços φ. Teoricamente, defino quais são estes traços formativos mais elementares que compõem o pronome, como esta composição é feita e quais são seus reflexos sintáticos. Para tal, adoto uma geometria de traços desenvolvida com bases nas propostas de Harley & Ritter (2002) e Béjar (2003). Assumo, portanto, que os traços formativos do pronome seguem uma hierarquia e esta se dá com bases na subespecificação. A proposta de uma teoria φ, de Béjar (2003; 2008), suporta adequadamente a composicionalidade pronominal desenvolvida para o PB. Da mesma maneira, uma decomposição das categorias de Caso é feita como uma solução ótima para a configuração de Caso, levando em conta principalmente evidências de línguas como o inglês e o PB, que apresentam diferenças Casuias apenas em seus pronomes pessoais. Caso, portanto, é tratado a partir de uma geometria de traços, análoga àquela proposta para os trços φ. Assim, as categorias de Caso para o PB obedecem a geometria [C[OBL[GEN][ABL]]]. Um mecanismo de valoração destes traços é proposto também análogo àquele proposto para os traços φ.