As chamadas teorias pós-coloniais iniciaram, na década de 1980, uma revisão histórica que levou ao resgate da história de povos conquistados e ao questionamento de teorias estabelecidas, como é o caso da teoria de aculturação. A arqueologia, influenciada pelas revisões pós-coloniais, começou a reformular a história do Império Romano e das províncias a ele incorporadas, entre elas, e de especial interesse no presente trabalho, as províncias estabelecidas em territórios “celtas” e no norte da Grã-Bretanha. Além de questionamentos sobre a teoria de romanização, arqueólogos como Simon James constataram que estas populações possuíam culturas de base local, mostrando que os inúmeros povos rotulados como “celtas” pertenciam a tradições múltiplas e autônomas. No entanto, a cultura popular e inclusive alguns acadêmicos divulgam uma imagem consistente de uma “civilização celta”, habitante de regiões que iam da Espanha aos Balcãs e do norte da Itália às Ilhas Britânicas, para a qual eram as similaridades e não as diferenças que importavam. Mesmo tendo permanecido por muito tempo como um povo à parte, desde a década de 1950, os pictos (ou bretões do norte) também têm sido incluídos nesta grande civilização. Porém, embora autores gregos e romanos colocassem um grande número de povos continentais antigos sob um único rótulo – celtas -, o mesmo não é verdade com relação aos antigos habitantes das ilhas britânicas: para estes, os autores utilizavam o nome bretões, diferenciando-os dos bárbaros continentais. Ainda assim, iniciada no século XVII, a construção da história de uma civilização celta, à qual os bretões (habitantes da província romana, em um primeiro momento, e, mais tardiamente, também os bretões do norte) foram incluídos, encontra suporte nos autores clássicos: a similaridade das caracterizações de celtas, gálatas ou gauleses com as dos bretões é notável. De acordo com David Rankin, a cristalização da imagem destes bárbaros deve-se, em grande medida, ao sistema de educação retórico, o qual punha considerável ênfase no aprendizado de lugares-comuns. Seguindo o raciocínio de Rankin, o presente trabalho se propõe a analisar as descrições sobre o modo de fazer guerra de bretões do norte, comparando-as com aquelas dos povos chamados de celtas do continente europeu. Esta comparação se dá ainda à luz das considerações sobre o papel da influência da retórica na história, a inventio, as digressões etnográficas e os lugares-comuns – utilizando para esse fim, as indicações de antigos manuais retóricos. A definição de lugar-comum, um conceito chave para a análise, foi extraída do manual Da Invenção, de Cícero. Além disso, essas caracterizações foram entendidas como representações, seguindo a teoria proposta pelo historiador Franklin Rudolf Ankersmit que define uma representação enquanto uma operação de três lugares. / The so-called postcolonial theories began a historical review, in the 1980s, which led to the rescue of the history of conquered peoples and to the questioning of established theories, such as the acculturation theory. Archaeology, influenced by postcolonial reviews, began to reformulate the history of the Roman Empire and of the provinces the Empire had incorporated. Among these provinces, and of particular interest in this study, the ones established in “Celtic” territories and in North Britain. In addition to questions about the Romanization theory, archaeologists as Simon James found that these people had locally based cultures, showing that countless people labeled as “Celtic” belonged to multiple and autonomous traditions. However, popular culture and even some academics disseminated a consistent image of a “Celtic civilization”, inhabitant of areas ranging from Spain to the Balkans and from Northern Italy to the British Isles, to which were the similarities, and not the differences, that mattered. Even having stayed long as a people apart, since the 1950s, the Picts (or North Britons) have also been included in this great civilization. But, although Greek and Roman authors placed a large number of ancient continental peoples under a single label - Celtic - the same is not true for the former inhabitants of the British Isles: for these, the authors used the name Britons, differentiating them from the continental barbarians. Still, started in the seventeenth century, the construction of the history of a Celtic civilization, in which the Britons (the inhabitants of the Roman province, first, and later also the Britons of the North) were included, is supported by the classic authors: the similarity between the the characterization of the Celts, Galatians or Gauls with that of the Britons is remarkable. Still, started in the seventeenth century, the construction of the history of a Celtic civilization, in which the Britons (inhabitants of the Roman province, at first, and later also the Britons of the North) were included, is supported by the classic authors: the similarity between the characterization of the Celts, Galatians or Gauls with that of the Britons is remarkable. According to David Rankin, the crystallization of the image of these “barbarians” is due largely to the rhetorical education system, which put considerable emphasis on commonplaces learning. Following Rankin’s argument, this study aims to analyze the descriptions about the North Britons’ way of making war, comparing it with that of the so-called Celtic people of Europe. This comparison is done with the support of considerations about the role of the influence of rhetoric in history, the inventio, the ethnographic digressions and the commonplaces - using for this purpose, instructions given by ancient rhetorical manuals. The definition of commonplace, a key concept for the analysis was taken from Cicero’s manual, On Invention. Moreover, these characterizations were understood as representations, following the theory proposed by the historian Franklin Rudolf Ankersmit, who defines a representation as a three places operation.

In this essay, material and written sources are compared in an attempt to learn more about the Iron Age religion in Britain. Classical texts and archaeological evidence concerning the Iron Age religion in Britain are presented, after which a comparison is made of the two to try to find out whether the classical authors statements could have been true. The conclusion drawn is that much of the facts in the classical texts are substantiated by material remains, but some information cannot be proved. Furthermore, the archaeological evidence provides us with facts of the Iron Age religion which was not mentioned by the classical authors. / Denna uppsats berör religion under järnåldern i Storbritannien. Den består av en jämförelse mellan klassiska källor och arkeologiskt material. Målet är att får reda på huruvida påståenden av klassiska författare om religionen i Storbritannien under järnåldern kan ha stämt. Mycket av det de klassiska författarna skrev kan stödjas av arkeologiska bevis, men en del har inget stöd i det arkeologiska materialet. Dock ger oss materiella lämningar information om religionen under järnåldern i Storbritannien, som inte nämndes av de klassiska författarna.

This thesis has explored Irish influences on the author of The Picture of Dorian Gray, Oscar Wilde. The study explored early family and peer influences on the author and has traced his Irish roots to reveal a knowledge of Irish folk lore which is apparent in this novel.In addition, the thesis has analyzed the novel with respect to characteristics of Irish folk lore which are called, in this study, Celtic magic. The paper also has presented the case that Oscar Wilde should be placed with Anglo-Irish writers instead of British authors.

As chamadas teorias pós-coloniais iniciaram, na década de 1980, uma revisão histórica que levou ao resgate da história de povos conquistados e ao questionamento de teorias estabelecidas, como é o caso da teoria de aculturação. A arqueologia, influenciada pelas revisões pós-coloniais, começou a reformular a história do Império Romano e das províncias a ele incorporadas, entre elas, e de especial interesse no presente trabalho, as províncias estabelecidas em territórios “celtas” e no norte da Grã-Bretanha. Além de questionamentos sobre a teoria de romanização, arqueólogos como Simon James constataram que estas populações possuíam culturas de base local, mostrando que os inúmeros povos rotulados como “celtas” pertenciam a tradições múltiplas e autônomas. No entanto, a cultura popular e inclusive alguns acadêmicos divulgam uma imagem consistente de uma “civilização celta”, habitante de regiões que iam da Espanha aos Balcãs e do norte da Itália às Ilhas Britânicas, para a qual eram as similaridades e não as diferenças que importavam. Mesmo tendo permanecido por muito tempo como um povo à parte, desde a década de 1950, os pictos (ou bretões do norte) também têm sido incluídos nesta grande civilização. Porém, embora autores gregos e romanos colocassem um grande número de povos continentais antigos sob um único rótulo – celtas -, o mesmo não é verdade com relação aos antigos habitantes das ilhas britânicas: para estes, os autores utilizavam o nome bretões, diferenciando-os dos bárbaros continentais. Ainda assim, iniciada no século XVII, a construção da história de uma civilização celta, à qual os bretões (habitantes da província romana, em um primeiro momento, e, mais tardiamente, também os bretões do norte) foram incluídos, encontra suporte nos autores clássicos: a similaridade das caracterizações de celtas, gálatas ou gauleses com as dos bretões é notável. De acordo com David Rankin, a cristalização da imagem destes bárbaros deve-se, em grande medida, ao sistema de educação retórico, o qual punha considerável ênfase no aprendizado de lugares-comuns. Seguindo o raciocínio de Rankin, o presente trabalho se propõe a analisar as descrições sobre o modo de fazer guerra de bretões do norte, comparando-as com aquelas dos povos chamados de celtas do continente europeu. Esta comparação se dá ainda à luz das considerações sobre o papel da influência da retórica na história, a inventio, as digressões etnográficas e os lugares-comuns – utilizando para esse fim, as indicações de antigos manuais retóricos. A definição de lugar-comum, um conceito chave para a análise, foi extraída do manual Da Invenção, de Cícero. Além disso, essas caracterizações foram entendidas como representações, seguindo a teoria proposta pelo historiador Franklin Rudolf Ankersmit que define uma representação enquanto uma operação de três lugares. / The so-called postcolonial theories began a historical review, in the 1980s, which led to the rescue of the history of conquered peoples and to the questioning of established theories, such as the acculturation theory. Archaeology, influenced by postcolonial reviews, began to reformulate the history of the Roman Empire and of the provinces the Empire had incorporated. Among these provinces, and of particular interest in this study, the ones established in “Celtic” territories and in North Britain. In addition to questions about the Romanization theory, archaeologists as Simon James found that these people had locally based cultures, showing that countless people labeled as “Celtic” belonged to multiple and autonomous traditions. However, popular culture and even some academics disseminated a consistent image of a “Celtic civilization”, inhabitant of areas ranging from Spain to the Balkans and from Northern Italy to the British Isles, to which were the similarities, and not the differences, that mattered. Even having stayed long as a people apart, since the 1950s, the Picts (or North Britons) have also been included in this great civilization. But, although Greek and Roman authors placed a large number of ancient continental peoples under a single label - Celtic - the same is not true for the former inhabitants of the British Isles: for these, the authors used the name Britons, differentiating them from the continental barbarians. Still, started in the seventeenth century, the construction of the history of a Celtic civilization, in which the Britons (the inhabitants of the Roman province, first, and later also the Britons of the North) were included, is supported by the classic authors: the similarity between the the characterization of the Celts, Galatians or Gauls with that of the Britons is remarkable. Still, started in the seventeenth century, the construction of the history of a Celtic civilization, in which the Britons (inhabitants of the Roman province, at first, and later also the Britons of the North) were included, is supported by the classic authors: the similarity between the characterization of the Celts, Galatians or Gauls with that of the Britons is remarkable. According to David Rankin, the crystallization of the image of these “barbarians” is due largely to the rhetorical education system, which put considerable emphasis on commonplaces learning. Following Rankin’s argument, this study aims to analyze the descriptions about the North Britons’ way of making war, comparing it with that of the so-called Celtic people of Europe. This comparison is done with the support of considerations about the role of the influence of rhetoric in history, the inventio, the ethnographic digressions and the commonplaces - using for this purpose, instructions given by ancient rhetorical manuals. The definition of commonplace, a key concept for the analysis was taken from Cicero’s manual, On Invention. Moreover, these characterizations were understood as representations, following the theory proposed by the historian Franklin Rudolf Ankersmit, who defines a representation as a three places operation.

No description available.

[pt] O olhar de um escritor latino sobre um dos inúmeros povos que habitavam o território do Império Romano. Palavras que viajam através do tempo e que contribuem para construir representações sobre os povos que ficaram conhecidos como Celtas. A construção de uma narrativa que diz o Outro, mas que ao mesmo tempo fala sobre Si-mesmo, apresentando um jogo de fronteiras identitárias. Nesta dissertação propomos uma análise minuciosa dos textos de Tácito, onde o autor narra e apresenta seu parecer sobre os Brigantes. Povo que tem a sua história relacionada diretamente com a dos Romanos, na medida que integrava a Província romana da Britânia. O objetivo central deste trabalho é compreender os usos que Tácito faz do passado ao escrever sobre os Brigantes. / [en] A Latin writer s view on one of the countless people who inhabited the Roman Empire territory. Words that travel through time and contribute to the construction of representations of the people that became known as Celts. The construction of a narrative that speaks about Another, but at the same time talks about One Self, presenting a game of identity borders. In this dissertation we bring the proposition of a detailed analysis of Tacitus s texts, where the author narrates and presents his opinion about the Brigantes. This People who has it s history directly related to the Romans, as it integrated the Roman Province of Britannia. The main goal of this research is to seek to understand the ways that Tacitus uses the past when he writes about the Brigantes.

Cette thèse propose de rapprocher l'histoire naturelle du cerf, appréhendée à travers les écrits des naturalistes et des veneurs, de l'ethnohistoire de l'Europe occidentale. Il s'agit donc de confronter des récits censés être vrais parce que fondés sur des faits observables, à des récits explicitement imaginaires. Nous avons modifié la définition du mythème développée par Claude Lévi-Strauss, à partir des termes narratifs (T) et leur inverse (T-1), et des fonctions narratives (F) et leur inverse (F-1). Nous définissons le mythème comme la combinaison des quatre versions possibles d'un récit, la version TF et la version contraposée T-1F-1, mais aussi les variantes TF-1 ou T-1F ; à la suite de Lévi-Strauss, nous considérons un mythe comme l'ensemble de ses variantes. Comme les objets réels existent indépendamment des usages et des représentations que peuvent en avoir les communautés humaines, des mythèmes ont été formulés relativement au cerf, à sa place dans l'environnement, aux bonnes façons d'employer son cœur, son cuir ou son bois pour signifier le cours du temps ou le destin des hommes. Nous avons isolé une vingtaine de ces mythèmes et les avons classés par ordre croissant d'abstraction, en considérant que chacun d'eux permettait de figer une relation entre termes et fonctions narratives, ou de résoudre une dissonance cognitive. Pour autant, aucun récit ne prétend relier entre eux tous ces mythèmes. La plupart ne sont reliés entre eux que de façon elliptique, la narration ne donnant pas les détails nécessaires à la vraisemblance ou à la véracité des récits. Pour y remédier, nous montrons l'existence, dans les rites religieux contemporains de Bretagne, d'un repérage cohérent des directions cardinales et intermédiaires, fondé sur les levers et couchers solaires aux solstices. A partir des indications horaires et directionnelles, puis des indications horaires et calendaires, nous restituons les dates dédiées aux saints hommes au cerf, l'agencement des sites de culte entre eux et la forme des trajets de procession, au solstice d'été. Par extrapolation à des niveaux supérieurs de l'échelle des grandeurs spatiales, nous restituons trois types de parcours rituels ; en l'état actuel du dossier, la relation entre le rite et son ampleur territoriale ne permet pas de présumer de la fonction sociale des trajets à l'échelle nationale ou européenne. En extrapolant aux niveaux inférieurs de l'échelle temporelle nous restituons les « unités » de calcul calendaire inférieures à la journée, en particulier la fréquence cardiaque de repos (60 battements par minute chez l'Homme). Le rapprochement est fait entre la métrique temporelle, écartelé entre ses cadences rapide (le pouls cardiaque) et lente (la précession des équinoxes), et la métrique spatiale, opposant le microcosme domestique au macrocosme borné par la « sphère des fixes ». S'en déduit intuitivement la fonction sociale des thèmes relatifs aux niveaux inférieurs des échelles de grandeur: le cœur, la maisonnée, etc... Une interprétation distincte des rites estivaux et hivernaux est alors proposée, à partir des récits mythiques des Celtes insulaires. / This thesis proposes a link between the natural history of the red deer, as seen in the writings of naturalists and huntsmen, with the folklore of Western Europe. It is a confrontation of tales that are supposed to be true, since based on observable facts, with purely fictional tales. We have altered the definition of the mytheme developed by Claude Lévi-Strauss, on the basis of narrative terms (T) and their opposite (T-1), and narrative functions (F) and their opposite (F-1). We define the mytheme as being the combination of four possible versions of a tale, the TF version and the contrapositive T-1F-1 version, as well as TF-1 or T-1F variations; like Lévi-Strauss, we consider the myth along with all of its variations. Since actual objects exist independently of the uses and representations that human populations may have of them, mythemes have been formulated concerning the red deer, its place in the environment and the right ways to use its heart, its hide or its antlers to represent the passage of time or man's destiny. We have isolated some twenty mythemes and classified them in increasing order of abstraction, considering that each of them enables a relationship to be forged between narrative terms and functions, or resolves a cognitive dissonance. However, no tale may claim to connect all these mythemes together. Most are only connected in an elliptical manner, since the narration does not provide all the details necessary to establish the plausibility or veracity of the tales. To resolve this issue, we prove the existence, in Breton contemporary religious rites, of a coherent system of cardinal and intermediary directions, based on sunrise and sunset during the solstices. Based on time and direction indications, then time and calendar indications, we restore the dates dedicated to human saints to the red deer, and the positioning of worship sites in relation to one another and the shape of procession routes to the summer solstice. By extrapolation to the upper levels of the scale of space measurements, we recreate three types of ritual itineraries; at the present time, the relationship between the rite and its territorial extent does not enable any presumption regarding the social function of routes on a national or European scale. By extrapolation to the lower levels of the time scale, we recreate the “units” of calendar calculation of less than one day, and in particular the idle heart rate (60 beats / minute in man). A link is established between the time metric, between its rapid rate (heart rate) and slow rate (axial precession), and the space metric, opposing the domestic microcosm and the macrocosm limited by the “sphere of fixed stars”. The social function of the themes related to the lower levels of the measurement scales can then be deduced intuitively: heart, household, etc. A separate interpretation of summer and winter rites is then proposed, based on the mythical tales of insular Celts.

As chamadas teorias pós-coloniais iniciaram, na década de 1980, uma revisão histórica que levou ao resgate da história de povos conquistados e ao questionamento de teorias estabelecidas, como é o caso da teoria de aculturação. A arqueologia, influenciada pelas revisões pós-coloniais, começou a reformular a história do Império Romano e das províncias a ele incorporadas, entre elas, e de especial interesse no presente trabalho, as províncias estabelecidas em territórios “celtas” e no norte da Grã-Bretanha. Além de questionamentos sobre a teoria de romanização, arqueólogos como Simon James constataram que estas populações possuíam culturas de base local, mostrando que os inúmeros povos rotulados como “celtas” pertenciam a tradições múltiplas e autônomas. No entanto, a cultura popular e inclusive alguns acadêmicos divulgam uma imagem consistente de uma “civilização celta”, habitante de regiões que iam da Espanha aos Balcãs e do norte da Itália às Ilhas Britânicas, para a qual eram as similaridades e não as diferenças que importavam. Mesmo tendo permanecido por muito tempo como um povo à parte, desde a década de 1950, os pictos (ou bretões do norte) também têm sido incluídos nesta grande civilização. Porém, embora autores gregos e romanos colocassem um grande número de povos continentais antigos sob um único rótulo – celtas -, o mesmo não é verdade com relação aos antigos habitantes das ilhas britânicas: para estes, os autores utilizavam o nome bretões, diferenciando-os dos bárbaros continentais. Ainda assim, iniciada no século XVII, a construção da história de uma civilização celta, à qual os bretões (habitantes da província romana, em um primeiro momento, e, mais tardiamente, também os bretões do norte) foram incluídos, encontra suporte nos autores clássicos: a similaridade das caracterizações de celtas, gálatas ou gauleses com as dos bretões é notável. De acordo com David Rankin, a cristalização da imagem destes bárbaros deve-se, em grande medida, ao sistema de educação retórico, o qual punha considerável ênfase no aprendizado de lugares-comuns. Seguindo o raciocínio de Rankin, o presente trabalho se propõe a analisar as descrições sobre o modo de fazer guerra de bretões do norte, comparando-as com aquelas dos povos chamados de celtas do continente europeu. Esta comparação se dá ainda à luz das considerações sobre o papel da influência da retórica na história, a inventio, as digressões etnográficas e os lugares-comuns – utilizando para esse fim, as indicações de antigos manuais retóricos. A definição de lugar-comum, um conceito chave para a análise, foi extraída do manual Da Invenção, de Cícero. Além disso, essas caracterizações foram entendidas como representações, seguindo a teoria proposta pelo historiador Franklin Rudolf Ankersmit que define uma representação enquanto uma operação de três lugares. / The so-called postcolonial theories began a historical review, in the 1980s, which led to the rescue of the history of conquered peoples and to the questioning of established theories, such as the acculturation theory. Archaeology, influenced by postcolonial reviews, began to reformulate the history of the Roman Empire and of the provinces the Empire had incorporated. Among these provinces, and of particular interest in this study, the ones established in “Celtic” territories and in North Britain. In addition to questions about the Romanization theory, archaeologists as Simon James found that these people had locally based cultures, showing that countless people labeled as “Celtic” belonged to multiple and autonomous traditions. However, popular culture and even some academics disseminated a consistent image of a “Celtic civilization”, inhabitant of areas ranging from Spain to the Balkans and from Northern Italy to the British Isles, to which were the similarities, and not the differences, that mattered. Even having stayed long as a people apart, since the 1950s, the Picts (or North Britons) have also been included in this great civilization. But, although Greek and Roman authors placed a large number of ancient continental peoples under a single label - Celtic - the same is not true for the former inhabitants of the British Isles: for these, the authors used the name Britons, differentiating them from the continental barbarians. Still, started in the seventeenth century, the construction of the history of a Celtic civilization, in which the Britons (the inhabitants of the Roman province, first, and later also the Britons of the North) were included, is supported by the classic authors: the similarity between the the characterization of the Celts, Galatians or Gauls with that of the Britons is remarkable. Still, started in the seventeenth century, the construction of the history of a Celtic civilization, in which the Britons (inhabitants of the Roman province, at first, and later also the Britons of the North) were included, is supported by the classic authors: the similarity between the characterization of the Celts, Galatians or Gauls with that of the Britons is remarkable. According to David Rankin, the crystallization of the image of these “barbarians” is due largely to the rhetorical education system, which put considerable emphasis on commonplaces learning. Following Rankin’s argument, this study aims to analyze the descriptions about the North Britons’ way of making war, comparing it with that of the so-called Celtic people of Europe. This comparison is done with the support of considerations about the role of the influence of rhetoric in history, the inventio, the ethnographic digressions and the commonplaces - using for this purpose, instructions given by ancient rhetorical manuals. The definition of commonplace, a key concept for the analysis was taken from Cicero’s manual, On Invention. Moreover, these characterizations were understood as representations, following the theory proposed by the historian Franklin Rudolf Ankersmit, who defines a representation as a three places operation.

Diss. English and Celtic sections : Uppsala : [1984]. / Bibliogr. p. 157-170. Index. -

Si l'on connaît les dictionnaires comme lieu des définitions, ils en fournissent une que l'on ne perçoit pas toujours : celle de la langue elle-même. Au sein de l'hétérogène et du mouvant des usages linguistiques quotidiens, ceux-ci en circonscrivent et délimitent un certain nombre, qui se verront alors consacrés, dotés d'une certaine officialité. Les critères de sélection par lesquels les éléments lexicaux sont retenus ou écartés dépendent, entre autres contraintes, des convictions de leurs auteurs concernant les usages linguistiques qu'ils considèrent comme plus représentatifs de la langue que d'autres. Souvent conscients tant du pouvoir social de tels ouvrages que de la sélection qu'ils impliquent, leurs auteurs s'en justifient parfois dans des paratextes introductifs où sont alors explicités leurs convictions linguistiques. Les discours que l'on y trouve peuvent se fonder sur des définitions, associations d'idées, et valorisations que les auteurs peuvent tenir pour acquis, ou au contraire les détourner, subvertir, contester ; quoiqu'il en soit, ils tentent souvent de fonder performativement une définition de la langue que la liste lexicale mettra ensuite en pratique. Dans certains contextes de conflictualité politique où la définition de la langue ne va pas de soi, les préfaces de dictionnaires peuvent alors devenir de véritables arènes où s'affronteront des définitions concurrentes de la langue que chacun tentera de faire reconnaître. En travaillant sur un corpus constitué des paratextes de dictionnaires bretons publiés de 1499 à 2015, nous analysons l'évolution des discours sur la langue en fonction des situations historiques, sociales, et politiques, où se trouvent les auteurs. Nous mettons l'accent en particulier sur différents processus discursifs, notamment ceux d'identification et de différenciation, par lesquels les auteurs délimitent les frontières entre les pairs et les autres, ainsi que ceux d'origination, par lesquels ils ancrent leur situation actuelle au sein de continuités et ruptures perpétuellement redessinées. Nous abordons ainsi en particulier la manière dont la définition des "Celtes" a évolué en fonction des différents contextes discursifs : désignant d'abord, dans le discours celtomane, une langue mère de toutes les autres dont la bretonne était la seule forme restée pure, l'usage du terme s'orientera progressivement vers une fonction distinctive envers leurs voisins français, ceci en accord avec l'émergence d'un cadre de pensée nationaliste. C'est à la même période, vers le XIXe siècle siècle, qu'apparaîtra l'interceltisme, comme thèse d'un cousinage ethnique entre les populations de certains territoires en petite et Grande-Bretagne. Nous étudions la manière dont ce discours, né de nécessités de différenciation politique, se transfère dans les catégorisations savantes, véhiculant en même temps son lot de concepts et méthodes implicites concernant la définition de la langue. Par ailleurs, les changements sociaux survenant au XXe siècle en Bretagne auront également pour conséquence un progressif clivage entre différents profils de locuteurs : à ceux pratiquant la langue dans un contexte surtout oral, pratique, et quotidien, dont le nombre diminue, se substituent progressivement des locuteurs l'apprenant dans une démarche volontariste et militante, à partir d'un rapport scriptural-scolaire à la langue. Cette cohabitation de locuteurs ayant appris et pratiquant la langue dans des situations différentes aura mettra en concurrence les définitions de la langue. Si les différents courants auront en commun une volonté de distinction envers le français héritée du discours différentialiste ayant émergé au XIXe siècle, chacun investira la nécessité de s'en distinguer dans des dimensions différentes de la langue, cohérentes par rapport à leurs modes de socialisation linguistique. (...) / Dictionaries are often seen a the place of the definitions, but very often the most important definition they give is not seen : the one concerning the language itself. Thus, while making their work, the authors have to make a selection of the words which will be retained and those which will not be taken in account. These choices rely on broader stances, related to their own convictions about what is "correct" language and what is not. The authors' convictions are themself influenced by the socio-historical context in which the dictionary is written, but they also shape the further definitions of the language, given the reliability granted to those kind of books. This work aims to seek the way in which the definition of breton language is given in the paratext (forewords, introductions, prefaces, postfaces) of breton dictionaries published between 1499 and 2015. In particular, we focus on some discursive processes such as identifications, differentiations, and originations, which are used by the authors in order to reconfigure the language's definition. A particular importance is given to the evolving use made of "Celts" in those definitions, and to the conflictuality in which they are set.