Texte remanié de: Diss. Ph.D.--Université de Montréal, 1997. / Résumé en espagnol. Bibliogr. p. 107-112.

Cupisnique culture was first identified by Rafael Larco Hoyle in the 1930s through his encounter with an early ceramic style in the Cupisnique Quebrada on the north coast of Peru. Since that time, the ceramic styles, region and time period to which the term ‘Cupisnique’ pertains have remained loosely defined, associated with northern Peru and the Middle Formative Period (1200-900 BCE). The interpretation of Cupisnique culture has further relied on research at the highland site of Chavín de Huántar and a presumed Chavín style horizon. Cupisnique visual materials, however, provide a rich corpus from which to advance analysis of this cultural tradition. In this dissertation, I group the chapters into two parts – background information and substantive material analyses. In Part I, I begin with a concise history of Cupisnique studies, which review permits to establish the objectives and methodology of the investigation. The latter includes archaeological and visual approaches to Cupisnique culture, as well as the geographic, environmental and ecological conditions pertinent to northern Peru. In Part II, I present the results of archaeological fieldwork at the Cumbemayo Canal, near the city of Cajamarca, Peru. Based on the field research, I examine the impact of coastal Cupisnique culture into this north highland region, and I discuss the symbolic role of monumental water management and the creation of a ritualized landscape. The intricate design of the Cumbemayo Canal segues conceptually to the exploration of a larger visual system. Based on a defined corpus of ‘Classic’ Cupisnique stirrup spout bottles, I venture a comprehensive examination of prominent themes, motifs and scenes in Cupisnique iconography. I argue that the latter comprises a reticular visual program that serves to instantiate a complex and developing ideological system. Given the common visual motifs, the tenets of this ideology consist in concepts of capture, sacrifice and fertility, interwoven through a structure of symbolic dualities. In the conclusion, I demonstrate how this proposed Cupisnique ideology conceptually fits with the development of social complexity in northern Peru through and following the Formative Period in the Andes. / text

This dissertation is a formal and iconographic study of a distinctive engraved motif found on Cupisnique style vessels that were excavated in what is now northern Peru. The Cupisnique style was developed approximately between 1200 – 200 B.C.E., and was mainly centered in the Jequetepeque and the Chicama Valleys in the northern coastal region of Peru. This study includes an analysis of two ceramic vessels in the collection of the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts (henceforth VMFA). The purpose of this dissertation is to document and analyze the Cupisnique engraved head motifs and to argue that these motifs reflect the influence of early Formative Ecuador ceramics on the later coastal Cupisnique as well as on the highland Chavín style. In addition to the two VMFA vessels, this study documents and analyzes an additional one hundred seventy seven (177) Cupisnique ceramics vessels that were also engraved with head motifs. These belong to various museums and private collections in South and North America. This study also presents a catalog of all documented head motifs, including those captured on photographs and in original drawings. The Cupisnique head motifs are classified by individual elements, and iconographies of Cupisnique head motifs are presented based on the origin and influence of the motifs.

<p></p><p>The objective of this dissertation is to highlight the way history is taught in Perú, more specifically in Chavín de Huántar. As well as bring to the light the complex dynamics that revolve around this teaching, including the education system and the archaeological, local, and national government policies. This study becomes important in a world where Indigenous Peoples and women continue to be excluded from historical narratives made for the public. The main motivation to conduct this work was the need to decolonize the way history is taught and transform it into an empowering topic that can potentially contribute to a more just world. </p><p>The aim of this research project was to answer the following research questions: (a) What do children in Chavín de Huántar, Perú know about their local past? (b) How do different institutions, organizations, and community members influence such teachings? and (c) How can archaeologists contribute to a more empowering and less oppressive teaching of the past? To accomplish this objective an ethnography of learning with a critical epistemology was conducted during August 2016 and August 2017. This ethnography included participant observation, semi-structured interviews, photo and drawing elicitation with children, and two outreach projects (a summer camp and a teacher workshop). This work also includes a large number of photographs to contextualize the reader and make her/him/they feel more present at Chavín during my research, while I describe the surroundings and circumstances in which learning occurred while I was there. </p><p>This dissertation is divided in seven chapters. Chapter one provides the reader with a literature and theoretical background, while in chapter two I provide a general discussion and context of Chavín de Huántar as a town and as the archaeological UNESCO world heritage site with the same name. Chapter three will be dedicated to describing the methods used throughout this ethnography and applied public archaeological outreach. In chapter four, I begin to answer the proposed research questions. While in Chapter seven I will provide final remarks and conclusions. </p><p>My research and analysis has brought to light that children in Chavín de Huántar have a basic understanding of Chavín as a “Golden-Age”. This time period is promoted by the local and national government to incentivize tourism as well as what most archaeological work is concentrated on. In addition, local and national institutions mostly concentrate on this time period ignoring over 3000 years of local history, with some exceptions, especially the National Museum of Chavín. In addition, the political and communication problems between the town and the archaeological project “Research and Conservation project in Chavín de Huántar” influence strongly the lack of knowledge children and other community members have about the archaeological site. </p><p> </p><p>Although there is a constant blaming among the institutions of whose fault it is that children do not now too much about their history, my research provided evidence that in each one of these institutions there are people willing to work in collaboration in order to benefit children. In chapter six, I will provide details about two projects created and implemented in collaboration: a summer camp and a teachers’ workshop. These projects seemed to be well received in the community but more like them need to continue in order to have sustainable results. However, these projects proved that collaboration is possible and necessary. I conclude this dissertation providing recommendations for numerous stakeholders in Chavín de Huántar and in Perú, including the archaeological project, the municipality of Chavín, the Ministry of Culture, and the Ministry of Education. </p><p></p>

This book emerges from the conference Lenguas y sociedades en el antiguo Perú: hacia un enfoque interdisciplinario, a gathering of linguists, archaeologists and anthropologists at the Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú in August 2009. This chapter sets out first the raison d’être of our enterprise: why it seemed so important to foster a meeting of minds between these disciplines, to converge their disparate but complementary perspectives into a more coherent Andean prehistory.Next, it is asked how linguistics can inform us about prehistory at all, exploring some general methodological principles and how they might be applied specifically in the case of the Andes. The ‘traditional model’ for associating the linguistic and archaeological records in the Andes is then reviewed — but pointing also to various inherent infelicities, which duly call for a far-reaching, interdisciplinary reconsideration of the Andean past.Therefore we attempt to sum up the new state of the cross-disciplinary art in Andean prehistory, as collectively represented by the papers that emerged both from the Lima conference and from the symposium that preceded it, held at the McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research at the University of Cambridge in September 2008. Progress and new perspectives are explored first on key individual questions. Who, for instance, were the Incas, and whence and when did they come to Cuzco? How and when did Quechua, too, reach Cuzco, as well as its furthest-flung outposts in north-west Argentina, Ecuador and northern Peru?Finally, the scope is broadened to overall scenarios for how the main Andean language families might correlate in time and space with the archaeological horizons that in principle might best account for their dispersals. Four basic hypotheses have emerged, whose respective strengths and weaknesses are assessed in turn: a traditional ‘Wari as Aymara’ model, revised and defended; alternative proposals of ‘Wari as both Aymara and Quechua’, a suggestion of ‘both Chavin and Wari as Quechua’; and the most radical new departure, ‘Wari as Quechua, Chavin as Aymara’. / El presente volumen resulta del simposio "Lenguas y sociedades en el antiguo Perú: hacia un enfoque interdisciplinario", una reunión de lingüistas, arqueólogos y antropólogos realizada en la Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú en agosto de 2009. La presente contribución expone primero la razón de ser de nuestra iniciativa: el por qué nos parecía tan importante promover un encuentro entre estas disciplinas, con el objeto de hacer converger sus perspectivas dispares —pero, por lo tanto, complementarias— para avanzar hacia una prehistoria andina más coherente.Seguidamente, preguntamos cómo es que la lingüística está en condiciones de proveernos datos sobre la prehistoria. Primero examinamos algunos principios metodológicos generales a tal fin, antes de examinar como estos se dejan aplicar mejor en el caso específico de los Andes. A continuación, pasamos revista al modelo tradicional de las supuestas asociaciones entre los registros lingüísticos y arqueológicos en la región, señalando al paso varios desaciertos inherentes, los mismos que claman por una reconsideración profunda e interdisciplinaria del pasado andino.Por lo tanto, este artículo prosigue con el propósito de resumir el nuevo estado interdisciplinario de la cuestión de la prehistoria andina, tal como lo representan los artículos que resultaron tanto del encuentro de Lima como del simposio que le precedió, llevado a cabo en el McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research de la University of Cambridge en septiembre de 2008. Se analizan, en primer lugar, los avances y nuevas perspectivas sobre algunos temas específicos, entre ellos: ¿quiénes fueron los incas, de donde procedían y cuando llegaron al Cuzco?, ¿cómo y cuándo alcanzó el quechua el Cuzco, así como sus más alejados puestos de avanzada en el noroeste de Argentina, Ecuador y el norte del Perú?Por último, ampliamos nuestro alcance a escenarios generales que buscan correlacionar, en el tiempo y el espacio, las principales familias lingüísticas de los Andes con los horizontes arqueológicos que, en principio, mejor podrían explicar sus dispersiones. Han surgido cuatro hipótesis básicas, cuyos respectivos puntos fuertes y débiles pasamos a evaluar: el modelo tradicional, ahora revisado y defendido, de "Wari como aimara"; y propuestas alternativas de Wari como aimara y quechua a la vez", "Chavín y Wari como quechua", y —más radical aún respecto al modelo tradicional— "Wari como quechua, Chavín como aimara".

Le présent mémoire traite principalement de l'association du hatun charango – un instrument de ma création appartenant à la famille du charango andin – à des formations instrumentales occidentales (musique de chambre et d’orchestre). La conception de ces œuvres a engendré une réflexion sur l’importance, dans mon travail artistique, des relations entre la culture de tradition orale – ici, la culture andine – et la culture de tradition écrite – la culture occidentale en général –, et tout particulièrement dans le domaine musical. Ces enjeux sont ici abordés selon une réflexion personnelle liée à ma pratique artistique de création musicale. Ce mémoire est donc le reflet de certains aspects importants de mon travail de création pour les trois œuvres à l’étude. Ces œuvres sont : 1°) Yampayec pour hatun charango et quatuor à cordes 2°) Chavin pour flûte, clarinette, 2 percussionnistes, hatun charango, piano, violon et violoncelle 3°) Khipufonía pour hatun charango, quenacho et orchestre