Ce mémoire se penche sur un mouvement social et sur sa relation au territoire. Le mouvement zapatiste a développé, depuis plus de 10 ans, une relation singulière au territoire, qui s'exprime particulièrement par l'autonomie defacto instaurée pour assurer sa gouverne. Il a bâti une structure de gestion à trois paliers (le local, le municipal et le régional) qui s'érige parallèlement à celle de l'État et se charge des affaires de la collectivité. Le niveau régional ayant été ajouté depuis peu, 2003, il nous intéressait de voir comment cette innovation se développe. Le mouvement zapatiste représente l'un des mouvements autochtones les plus importants de notre époque. Il s'inscrit clairement dans la «glocalisation» qui marque le monde actuellement et qui se traduit par la globalisation des flux financiers, l'érosion des pouvoirs de l'État et la «restructuration» de l'espace local et communautaire. Le mouvement zapatiste est altermondialiste et connu internationalement, mais aussi, et peut-être surtout, il constitue un mouvement local, à travers lequel des autochtones mexicains pauvres et marginalisés ont mis de l'avant des actions collectives qui tentent d'améliorer leur position au sein des rapports de pouvoir nationaux. Cette recherche a essayé de mettre au jour les stratégies et les moyens que ces exclus prennent pour s'organiser. En étudiant l'une des régions autonomes, celle de Los Altos de Chiapas et son chef-lieu, Oventic, nous nous sommes penchée sur l'organisation politique du mouvement zapatiste, sur les outils de gestion du territoire autonome qu'il élabore, ainsi que sur les organisations sociales de toutes sortes qui fleurissent sur ce territoire. Les zapatistes s'organisent, entre autres, à l'aide des collectifs (coopératives de production, de consommation, etc.) et des services de santé et d'éducation qui ont remplacé ceux de l'État. Ces organisations sociales innovent par de nouvelles pratiques socioterritoriales porteuses d'une nouvelle territorialité sociale. Ce sont ces pratiques qui territorialisent l'autonomie zapatiste et encouragent le dévéloppement du territoire. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Autonomie, Développement territorial, Organisations sociales, Mouvements autochtones, Mouvement zapatiste.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Rutgers University, 2008. / "Graduate Program in Geography." Includes bibliographical references (p. 218-230).

Between 1994 and 2012, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) established a contested zone of exception to neoliberal governance in southern Mexico and women's-rights-as-human-rights universalism reshaped international development and activist discourse. Within this context, Ana, Beatriz, and Celia González Pérez pressed claims against a group of Mexican Federal Army soldiers for rape at a military checkpoint in 1994. A rare instance of first-person denunciation of rape warfare, the Tseltal-Maya sisters' own powerful representation of the physical and procedural violations committed against them forms the starting point of this analysis, which proceeds from there, chapter by chapter, through communal, national, and international representations. Centering the women's speech, then moving to what are conventionally understood as broader fields of discourse produces new ways of understanding violence in relation to nation, culture, and gendered sociality. Though in 2001 the human rights commission of the Organization of American States upheld the women's claims, as of this writing (2012) the Mexican state has neither awarded reparations nor prosecuted the accused. I argue here that the women's unmet demands for collective and individual justice produce a novel language of protest which I call denuncia (denouncement) rather than testimony. Denuncia, I argue, puts the physical and the social body at the center of claims against sexual violation; enacts coraje (courage, rage) rather than petitions for recognition of truth; exposes the nationalist ideology of racial mixing that informs the production of testimony in Mexico, and establishes new audiences for its own reception despite the regimes of everyday violence it foregrounds. Formulated amid military occupation, denuncia exposes the gendered intimacy--control of the food supply, inhabitation of public-private architectural spaces, colonization of local enmities--that gave rise to military rape, which I call here "domestic violence." Denuncia emerges to refute the neoliberal discourse that links indigenous culture, gender, and violence just when the material basis of indigenous livelihood is under siege. This dissertation's method would not have been possible without almost twenty years' engagement with Tseltal and Tojolabal-Maya men and women who have formed part of the Zapatista movement. This long-range perspective has engendered a form of feminist scholarly accountability that cultivates listening to ground critique on the terrain of self-determination. / text

The important and exemplary role that Internet technology played in enhancing the publicity campaign of the Chiapas insurgents in their struggle for political reform in Mexico, is the focus of this thesis. By examining the Internet as an alternative distribution network for Subcomandante Marcos' communiques, it can be conjectured that the technology provided him with a space through which his voice could be heard in the international political arena. It was a space both external to Mexican government control, and through which Macros disseminated a powerful discourse representing the insurgents' political goals and grievances--one contrary to that being transmitted by the state-controlled media. Internet technology, it can be argued, generated the necessary national and international public consciousness, opinion, scrutiny and support for the Chiapas insurgents, that ultimately transformed their conflict with the Mexican government from a violent war of arms, to one of peaceful negotiation and dialogue.

The subject of this thesis is the "San Andres Agreements on Indigenous Rights and Culture". Born out of a process of negotiation between the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN), the Mexican government and various representatives of civil society, these agreements reflect and attempt to incorporate in the constitution, for the first time in Mexican history, individual and collective rights of indigenous peoples. Through ethnography and discourse analysis, the thesis addresses the political, economic and ideological issues underlying the exchanges between the various parties to the negotiations. It presumes a dominant government discourse and a marginal discourse advanced by the zapatista party in an effort to change the fundamental tenets of Mexican politics. The debate generated by the San Andres agreements is highlighted in order to examine its repercussions and the role it has played in bringing current indigenous claims to public attention.

Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Western Sydney, 2004. / Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, School of Humanities, Centre for Cultural Research, University of Western Sydney. Includes bibliography.

Thesis (M.S.)--George Mason University, 2008. / Vita: p. 116. Thesis director: Wallace Warfield. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in Conflict Analysis and Resolution. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Aug. 28, 2008). Includes bibliographical references (p. 109-115). Also issued in print.

Univ., Diss.--Dortmund, 2003.

Thesis (M.A.)--Florida State University, 2005. / Advisor: Dr. Mary Pohl, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Dept. of Anthropology. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed June 22, 2005). Document formatted into pages; contains x, 154 pages. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--American University, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 597-628).